This entry is from Dr. McCanne's Quote of the Day, a daily health policy update on the single-payer health care reform movement. The QotD is archived on PNHP's website.
The Consequences of Risk Adjustment in the Medicare Advantage Program
The National Bureau of Economic Research
NBER Digest OnLine, September 2011
Since the 1980s, people eligible for Medicare have been able to choose between the regular fee-for-service plan, under which the federal government pays a set fee to health care providers for each service provided, and Medicare Advantage (MA), whereby the government pays private health plans a fee for each individual they enroll. Almost one quarter of Medicare beneficiaries are currently enrolled in Medicare Advantage plans.
Paying the same amount for every person enrolled in a health plan encourages plans to enroll low-cost people and to avoid high-cost ones. Because of this, the federal government historically overpaid for MA enrollees relative to their costs in traditional Medicare. So, in 2004 the Medicare program began to adjust its payments to private plans for enrollees health status. As a result, a plan would, for example, receive a higher “risk-adjusted” payment for a recipient with diabetes or heart disease than for an otherwise identical person without these conditions.
In “How Does Risk Selection Respond to Risk Adjustment? Evidence for the Medicare Advantage Program” (NBER Working Paper No. 16977), Jason Brown, Mark Duggan, Ilyana Kuziemko, and William Wollston study individual-level data for 55,000 people in the Medicare Current Beneficiary Survey (MCBS) from the period 1994 to 2006. Prior to risk adjustment, insurers simply had an incentive to enroll individuals with low costs. After risk adjustment, insurers instead had an incentive to enroll individuals with low costs conditional on their medical conditions. The main reason for this is that the risk adjustment formula pays the plans the average cost of the average person in a particular risk category. The authors demonstrate that, because individuals with less costly cases of diabetes and other health conditions enrolled in MA plans after the move to risk adjustment, overpayments to these plans actually increased.
The risk adjustment formula that is used also explains only 11 percent of an individual’s fee-for-service costs in the year after risk is assessed. The formula systematically over-predicts costs for those with below average costs, and systematically under-predicts costs for those with above average costs. The authors find that individuals who are more expensive than the average person to insure are less likely to enroll in Medicare Advantage plans. So on balance, the government ends up paying the average cost for people who, had they stayed in fee-for-service Medicare, would have cost the government much less.
Before risk-adjustment began in 2004, switching from fee-for-service Medicare to Medicare Advantage increased average individual Medicare spending by $1,800. The authors calculate that using risk adjustment formulas on the population that enrolled before 2004 would have reduced Medicare Advantage overpayments by more than $800 a person. But when the reimbursement formula changed, so did the pattern of enrollment in Medicare Advantage plans. After 2004, switching from fee-for-service to Medicare Advantage increased Medicare spending by approximately $3,000 per person. Thus the shift to risk adjustment actually increased Medicare spending.
Although Medicare Advantage plans did enroll people with higher “risk scores” after risk adjustment was instituted, those people still tended to be significantly below the average cost in their risk category. Furthermore, both before and after risk adjustment, MA enrollees in poor health expressed greater dissatisfaction with their medical care relative to their counterparts in traditional Medicare. This pattern suggests that MA plans invest more resources in their relatively healthy enrollees, perhaps to differentially retain them. Thus the authors conclude that the Medicare Advantage program both increased total Medicare spending and transferred Medicare resources from the relatively sick to the relatively healthy, and that risk-adjustment was not able to address either of these problems.
How does Risk Selection Respond to Risk Adjustment? Evidence from the Medicare Advantage Program
By Jason Brown, Mark Duggan, Ilyana Kuziemko, William Woolston
NBER Working Paper No. 16977, April 2011
We close by returning to the potential distributional consequences of our results. Regardless of how the surplus described above is split, the MA program appears to expand the cost of Medicare while also transferring relative expenditures from the FFS population toward the financing of care for the MA population. As those switching into MA have, throughout the sample period, lower baseline costs and better self-reported health than do those remaining in FFS, the MA program transfers Medicare expenditure to those who likely have less need for it.
Moreover, as we show in Section 7, the gradient of satisfaction with one’s health care is a more positive function of self-reported health for MA enrollees than FFS enrollees, consistent with MA plans treating their healthier (and thus more profitable) enrollees better so as to differentially retain them. Indeed, exit rates out of MA plans are differentially higher among those in poor health. Therefore, the MA program appears not only to transfer aggregate Medicare expenditures from the relatively higher-cost FFS population to the relatively lower-cost MA population, but it seems to effect a similar transfer within the MA population.
These results suggest that governments may wish to take special care in “contracting out” social insurance. Imperfect pricing – whereby the government overpays a private firm relative to the cost and quality of in-house production – is, of course, a potential concern every time governments contract with a private party and has received great attention in the literature (see, for example, Hart et al. 1997). In the case of, say, paving a road, the consequences of imperfect pricing would seem limited to whatever amount the government overpaid. With social insurance programs, however, imperfect pricing can induce private firms to cream-skim, exacerbating the utility consequences of the underlying inequality the program was initially intended to mitigate. At least in the case of Medicare, we find little evidence that risk adjustment has solved this problem.
Never underestimate the ability of the private insurance industry to stick it to us. This shocking study on risk adjustment in the Medicare Advantage program should have been a front page story across the nation. It shows us how the private insurers have used risk adjustment – designed to correct their cheating through favorable selection – to further reap their own rewards by upending the adjustments so that they steal even more funds from us!
How could this be? Some history.
Congress was sold on the concept that private insurers could provide higher quality at lower costs than could the traditional, government-run Medicare program. The Medicare + Choice program was established to do this. Even though the plans were able to selectively enroll healthier, lower-cost patients (favorable selection), the concept still was a failure and plans began withdrawing from the markets. They could not fulfill their promise of lower costs for comparable care.
The conservatives would not give up. It was essential that a robust market for private Medicare plans be established as an initial step toward privatizing the entire Medicare program (a concept still very much alive in the Paul Ryan proposal which was approved in the House of Representatives). They were successful in passing legislation that gave private Medicare plans (now Medicare Advantage) a new life by paying them about 13 percent more per beneficiary than it costs to provide care for them in the traditional fee-for-service program.
As is that weren’t enough, the plans continued to selectively enroll healthier, less expensive patients, further expanding their margins. To counter this, risk adjustment was applied to the payment rates. If the plans’ beneficiaries were healthier than average, they would be paid less. If they were subject to adverse selection – enrolling a greater portion of sicker patients – they would be paid more.
Enter this study. Although it is 55 pages of a very heavy read, seriously testing your math skills, the conclusions can be gleaned from the summary and excerpts above. The plans continued to favorably select their patients, not only by enrolling the healthy, but even more by selecting fairly healthy patients that had just a touch of illness that would allow the insurers to move them into intensified diagnostic groups that increased their payments much more than the level of illness would warrant.
The authors explain that firms have been able to decrease “extensive-margin” selection and increase “intensive-margin” selection. These terms might be obscure to us, but what isn’t obscure is that this chicanery on the part of the insurers allowed them to escape the risk adjustments that would have reduced their overpayments from $1,800 to $800 per beneficiary (still an overpayment), and replace it with a $3,000 per person overpayment!
The authors conclude that “governments may wish to take special care in ‘contracting out’ social insurance.” They are far too kind. We need to throw the damn crooks out, fix our traditional Medicare program, and then provide it for everyone.
We saw in our last post how the intensifying class war in America over the last 30 years has hollowed out the middle class and led to the widest gap between the haves and have nots in our country’s history. In this Second Gilded Age, the right has been winning the war by its promotion of deregulated markets and its attacks on government, thereby sacrificing the public interest to the benefit of the politically elite and the few at the top. In this new landscape, Social Darwinism increasingly prevails—sink or swim, take care of yourself, don’t expect any ‘handouts’.
We now have to wonder what has happened to our sense of fair play, our self-proclaimed egalitarianism that has been part of our character for a long time. We need to ask whether we care anymore for our fellow citizens, and whether we can mount the collective political will to reverse course toward a kinder, gentler society?
Today’s mean-spirited political debate across the wide divide between the Tea Party and progressives stands in sharp contrast to previous times in the last century. Through the leadership of a strong and caring president, FDR brought us Social Security in the 1930s, the 1950s was a time of prosperity widely shared across our society, and the 1960s brought Medicare and Medicaid.
We are now seeing some interesting writing on this subject that helps us to understand how we got here and how we might get past these dark times.
In his classic recent article on the subject, Robert Kuttner, founder and co-editor of The American Prospect and co-founder of the Economic Policy Institute, draws a comparison with the failures of civic institutions of Germany in the late 1800s that prevented a national consensus with later global consequences. As he observes:
“One of our major parties has turned nihilist, giddily toying with default on the nation’s debt, reveling in the dark pleasures of a fiscal Walpurgisnacht. Government itself is the devil… Whether the target is the Environmental Protection Agency, the Dodd-Frank law or the Affordable Care Act, Republicans are out to destroy government’s ability to govern… The administration, trapped in the radical right’s surreal logic, plays by Tea Party rules rather than changing the game… The right’s reckless assault on our public institutions is not just an attack on government. It is a war on America.” (Kuttner, R. The war on America. The American Prospect 22 (8): 3, 2011)
In his new book Pinched: How the Great Recession Has Narrowed Our Futures and What We Can Do About It, Don Peck compares our times today with those in the First Gilded Age in this country in the late 1800s. The gulf between rich and poor was also very wide in those years. The Depression of 1893 led to a run on banks that crippled the financial system, extended families broke apart, communities became more transient, and the social fabric of society was shattered. (Peck, D. Pinched: How the Great Recession Has Narrowed Our Futures and What We Can Do About It. New York. Crown Publishers, 42-5, 2011)
Theodore Marmor, professor emeritus of public policy at Yale and Jerry Mashaw, professor of law, also at Yale, note how the language of our political leaders has changed from the 1930s to today—from “a morally resonant language of people, family and shared social concern to the cold technical idiom of budgetary accounting.” As they further observe:
“ In 1934, the government was us. We had shared circumstances, shared risks and shared obligations. Today the government is the other—not an institution for the achievement of our common goals, but an alien presence that stands between us and the realization of individual ambitions. Programs of social insurance have become “entitlements”, a word apparently meant to signify not a collectively provided and cherished basis for family-income security, but a sinister threat to our national well-being.” (Marmor, TR, Mashaw, JL. How do you say ‘economic security’? New York Times, September 23, 2011)
Henry Giroux, author of another new book, Education and the Crisis of Public Values: Challenging the Assault on Teachers, Students and Public Education, sheds further light on how all this has come about:
“As the left slid into organizing around mostly single-issue movements since the 1980s, the right moved in a different direction, mobilizing a range of educational forces and wider cultural apparatus as a way of addressing broader ideas that appealed to a wider public and issues that resonated with their everyday lives. Tax reform, the role of government, the crisis of education, family values and the economy, to name a few issues, were wrenched out of their progressive legacy and inserted into a context defined by the values of the free market, an unbridled notion of freedom and individualism and a growing hatred for the social contract.
…At issue here is the need for a new vocabulary, vision and politics that will unleash new, democratic movements, institutions and a formative culture capable of imagining life and society free of the dictates of endless military wars, boundless material waste, extreme inequality, disposable populations and unfounded human suffering.” (Giroux, HA. Corporate media and Larry Summers team up to gut public education: Beyond education for illiteracy, vulgarity and a culture of cruelty. Truthout, September 27, 2011) So we have some big questions here: who are we today, are we the country that we want to be, do we care about each other anymore, and do we have the collective will to assert ourselves against the bigoted interests of the few?
John Geyman, M.D.
Professor emeritus of Family Medicine, University of Washington School of Medicine, and author of Falling Through the Safety Net: Americans Without Health Insurance (Common Courage Press, 2005)
To buy a book from John Geyman, M.D., visit http://www.copernicus-healthcare.org
As the Great Recession rolls on after three years, without signs of relief on the horizon, a growing army of many millions of Americans is finding it impossible to gain access to necessary health care that is affordable. Meanwhile, class warfare is gaining intensity with a widening gulf between the left and right over the major issues of the day, including the future of U.S. health care. As political gridlock continues, the battlefield is littered with many preventable deaths, many lives wounded by the ravages of untreated or under-treated disease, and growing stress in affected families.
The public discourse is reaching new levels of ugliness, as illustrated by an audience at a GOP campaign event cheering the idea that that those without health insurance should just be left to die. (Krugman, P. Free to die. Op-Ed. New York Times, September 16, 2011: A23). GOP presidential hopefuls have no solutions to offer except the “freedom to choose” (your own fate!) and the private marketplace (which increasingly excludes those who cannot pay its rapidly increasing costs). In fact, they exacerbate the problem, under the guise of fiscal responsibility and austerity, by cutting government safety net programs while at the same time trying to exploit Medicare and Medicaid by further privatization.
These are some markers that show some of the impacts of this war:
• According to the U.S. Census Bureau, in 2010 49.9 million Americans were uninsured (which understates the problem since anyone with insurance for even a small part of the year was considered insured), the median household income was $49,445 (a drop of 2.3 percent from 2009), and 46.2 million people (including 22 percent of the nation’s children) were in poverty (the highest number in the 52 years for which estimates have been tracked). (U.S. Census Bureau. Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance Coverage in the United States, 2010)
• In his recent editorial in The Progressive, Matthew Rothschild notes that, over the last 40 years, the top 0.1 percent of the population (152,000 people making more than $5.6 million a year) skyrocketed by 385 percent while the income of the bottom 90 percent (about 137 million people) dropped by 1 percent.(Washington Post) In the last ten years, the median income of working-age households has dropped by more than 10 percent (Economic Policy Institute). (Rothschild, M. Enlist for class warfare. The Progressive, September 20, 2011)
• According to a Gallup poll, 18.2 percent of Americans state they did not have money to buy food at all times in 2010. (Gallup, Washington, D.C.)
• The median household wealth of white families has fallen by 16 percent since 2005; Hispanic families dropped by 66 percent. (Pew Research Center Social & Demographic Trends project. Washington, D.C.)
• Three-quarters of the increase in U.S. corporate profit margins over the last ten years have come from depressed wages. (J. P. Morgan, New York City) (Harper’s Index 323 (1937): 15, 68, October, 20ll).
• U.S. corporations pay only 10.5 percent of their profits in taxes today (vs. 40 percent in 1961, with some paying no taxes. (Institute for Policy Studies, Washington, D.C.)
• Based on a definition of the middle class of those between the 30th and 70th percentiles of the income distribution, one-third of Americans dropped out of the middle class over the last 30 years. (Acs, G. Downward Mobility from the Middle Class: Waking Up from the American Dream. Economic Mobility Project. Pew Charitable Trusts, September, 2011).
• The average annual premium for health insurance for a family of four reached $15,073 in 2011, 9 percent higher than 2010 (Abelson, R, Bernstein, N. Health insurers push premiums sharply higher. New York Times, September 28, 2011: A1) (an unaffordable level about 30 percent of the median family income, or twice the proportion of income that seniors paid for health care when Medicare was enacted in 1965!).
• In the most recent study of mortality amenable to health care in 16 high-income nations, the U.S. ‘led’ the field with the most preventable deaths, and with the least improvement over a ten-year period; the authors concluded this poor
showing is likely due to “the lack of universal coverage and the high costs of care.” (Nolte, E, McKee, M. Variations in amenable mortality—Trends in 16 high-income nations. The Commonwealth Fund, September 23, 2011)
• The consumer confidence level is now only 45 percent. (Vital signs. Wall Street Journal, September 28, 2011: A1) Despite all this pain and suffering, the political process continues to ignore this national catastrophe in the name of austerity as the debate continues over the budget deficit, targeting federal spending for education, health care and other important public programs (but avoiding bigger issues, such as major defense cutbacks, real financial reform, campaign finance reform, and tax increases for the wealthy). The extreme right-wing of the Republican Party, activated and hobbled by the Tea Party, continues to hold Congress and the Obama Administration hostage as it pursues its nihilistic agenda, focused on winning further power in 2012 despite its lack of a plan to address these kinds of problems.
The present situation in health care boils down to a human and moral crisis that seems beyond the reach or concern of our current political leaders, conflicted as they are by enormous amounts of corporate cash that perpetuates our present, increasingly cruel market-based system. In our next post, we will explore whether we still can draw on a long-standing self-image that we as Americans care about each other.
John Geyman, M.D.
Professor emeritus of Family Medicine, University of Washington School of Medicine and author of Hijacked! The Road to Single Payer in the Aftermath of Stolen Health Care Reform (Common Courage Press, 2010)
To purchase a book by John Geyman, visit copernicus-healthcare.org
This entry is from Dr. McCanne's Quote of the Day, a daily health policy update on the single-payer health care reform movement. The QotD is archived on PNHP's website.
Some Common Ground for Legal Adversaries on Health Care
By Adam Liptak
The New York Times, September 29, 2011
The 2010 health care overhaul law has provoked an unprecedented clash between the federal government and 26 states, dividing them on fundamental questions about the very structure of the federal system. But the two sides share a surprising amount of common ground, too, starting with their agreement in briefs, filed on Wednesday, that the Supreme Court should resolve the clash in its current term.
Their briefs also reflect agreement on matters of substance. The two sides, along with the judges in the majority in the appeals court decision most likely to be reviewed by the justices, all said the dispute is about means rather than ends. There are other ways, they said, for Congress to achieve near-universal health coverage, some of them more expansive than what was enacted.
“Both sides agree that Congress has the constitutional power to enact a national health care system that raised taxes to support a single government agency that pays all medical bills, just like Medicare,” said Walter Dellinger, who served as acting solicitor general in the administration of President Bill Clinton and supports the law.
Randy E. Barnett, a lawyer for some of the plaintiffs who on Wednesday sought Supreme Court review, made essentially the same point. “What I’ve said from Day 1,” he said, “is that if Medicare is constitutional then Medicare-for-everyone is constitutional.”
The Affordable Care Act represents the most expensive model of reform and yet falls short on universality and affordability, and now it is being challenged as a violation of the Constitution. Why are we defending it when the least expensive model that actually would accomplish our goals has been declared by all parties to be compliant with the Constitution?
Fast tracking the decision is great. Once the legal issues are dispensed with, we can look at the mess we have left, reject it, and move on to enacting an improved Medicare for all.
Additional comment from Merrill Goozner:
What’s interesting about rising insurance premiums is that they are way out of line with the rise in costs, which was only around 4% last year in nominal dollars, which in inflation-adjusted dollars would be just a 2% increase. Both Medicare total expenditures and insurance total expenditures rose (which, after adjusting for inflation was the same rate as economic growth; GDP rose 2.6% in 2010). It was one of the lowest increases in decades, as health care’s share of the economy did not increase for the first time in many years.
So why the hike in premiums. A Goldman Sachs analyst quoted in the WSJ story earlier this week attributed the outsized premium increases to insurance
companies padding their bottom lines.
I blogged on it here: http://gooznews.com/?p=3215
This entry is from Dr. McCanne's Quote of the Day, a daily health policy update on the single-payer health care reform movement. The QotD is archived on PNHP's website.
Editorial: Pointing fingers over health costs
The Denver Post
September 29, 2011
When critics insist the growth of this nation’s health care burden is unsustainable, this is what they mean: The average cost of an employer-provided family insurance plan soared by 9 percent in 2011. That’s far higher than the rate of inflation or the average growth of wages.
Nor is this year’s increase out of line with recent history.
In a word, it’s a looming disaster. And yet our political leaders mostly still refuse to come to terms with it.
Some Republicans immediately sought to blame the Affordable Care Act, which critics call Obamacare, for the latest news, although unsustainable health-care inflation predated the legislation and indeed was one of the main arguments offered in support of its passage.
But many Democrats appear equally determined to sidestep reality when discussing health care costs, insisting — in the face of all early evidence — that the Affordable Care Act will restrain costs over time, if we are patient enough.
We opposed that legislation because we were convinced — and have seen nothing since to change our opinion — that it will not, unfortunately, rein in costs to any major extent. The Congressional Budget Office certainly doesn’t think so, either.
Although both parties are still largely in denial on health care, there are exceptions. Democrats who favored a single-payer system understood that it would have a better chance of achieving cost control than most alternatives, given the experience in other countries. And other Dems have prioritized cost containment.
Some Republicans also understand the need for fundamental reform, with Rep. Paul Ryan, chairman of the House Budget Committee, leading the charge. We take issue with elements of Ryan’s approach — block grants to states for Medicaid and premium subsidies for Medicare coverage that patients would then purchase in the private market — but at least he appreciates the necessity of revamping incentives.
“At its core,” Ryan said in speech this week at the Hoover Institution, “the health care problem is one of inflation, driven by the over-utilization of services, dramatic underpayments, and massive inefficiency.”
And if nothing is done to address those issues, this nation’s future will be bleak indeed.
The Kaiser Family Foundation report on the 9 percent increase in family health insurance premiums brought back to the front pages the issue of unsustainable health care cost increases. The Denver Post had previously opposed the Affordable Care Act (ACA) because they “were convinced — and have seen nothing since to change our opinion — that it will not, unfortunately, rein in costs to any major extent.” So what do they see as our options?
They dismiss the political battle between the Republicans who are blaming ACA for this year’s premium increases, and the Democrats who are defending ACA as a (certainly dubious) vehicle for cost restraint.
They do give credit to Republican Paul Ryan for recognizing the problem, but they “take issue with elements of Ryan’s approach.”
And Democrats? The Denver Post editors state, “Democrats who favored a single-payer system understood that it would have a better chance of achieving cost control than most alternatives, given the experience in other countries.”
The Denver Post falls short of endorsing single payer, but it’s the only truly effective option that they seem to offer.
The better people understand the single payer model, the greater the support that we’ll see. Keep spreading the word.
Higher Fees Paid To US Physicians Drive Higher Spending For Physician Services Compared To Other Countries
By Miriam J. Laugesen and Sherry A. Glied
Health Affairs, September 2011
Higher health care prices in the United States are a key reason that the nation’s health spending is so much higher than that of other countries. Our study compared physicians’ fees paid by public and private payers for primary care office visits and hip replacements in Australia, Canada, France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States. We also compared physicians’ incomes net of practice expenses, differences in financing the cost of medical education, and the relative contribution of payments per physician and of physician supply in the countries’ national spending on physician services. Public and private payers paid somewhat higher fees to US primary care physicians for office visits (27 percent more for public, 70 percent more for private) and much higher fees to orthopedic physicians for hip replacements (70 percent more for public, 120 percent more for private) than public and private payers paid these physicians’ counterparts in other countries. US primary care and orthopedic physicians also earned higher incomes ($186,582 and $442,450, respectively) than their foreign counterparts. We conclude that the higher fees, rather than factors such as higher practice costs, volume of services, or tuition expenses, were the main drivers of higher US spending, particularly in orthopedics.
Alliance of Specialty Medicine
September 26, 2011
To: Glenn M. Hackbarth, J.D., Chairman
Medicare Payment Advisory Commission
The Alliance of Specialty Medicine (Alliance) and its member organizations are writing to express our opposition to the Chairman’s recommendations on the Sustainable Growth Rate System (SGR) proposed at the MedPAC meeting of September 15, 2011.
The Alliance recognizes that MedPAC has called for repeal of the SGR repeatedly and we welcome your understanding of the critical need to rationalize physician payment to assure stability of patient access to quality physician care. However, we were dismayed to hear the Chairman’s first recommendation to slash the conversion factor for specialist services by 5.9 percent each year for three years to be followed by a freeze for seven years. The cumulative cut to specialty physician payments would be 18 percent over the first three years. The recommendations seek to shield a small percentage of primary care services furnished by primary care specialties by imposing only a 10-year freeze rather than an absolute cut on these services.
Furthermore, while the Alliance understands MedPAC’s desire to support primary care, we have serious objections to the recommended proposal to essentially hold primary care “harmless” while cutting specialty physicians’ reimbursement.
Private Contracting with Physicians Under Medicare
The Alliance strongly supports empowering patients with the ability to obtain medical services from the physician of their choice. To that end, we believe that patients and physicians should be allowed to privately contract for Medicare services without penalty.
American Academy of Facial Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery
American Association of Neurological Surgeons
American Gastroenterological Association
American Society of Cataract & Refractive Surgery
American Society of Plastic Surgeons
American Urological Association
Coalition of State Rheumatology Organizations
Congress of Neurological Surgeons
Heart Rhythm Society
North American Spine Society
Society for Cardiovascular Angiography and Interventions
Today’s message on physician income does not delve into the important topics of fee-for-service, capitation, salary and other such considerations, but rather is intended to provide a perspective on how much money physicians should take home. Having said almost nothing in this first sentence, just opening the topic undoubtedly has already provoked controversy, but we do need to take a look at this.
Before discussing physicians’ net incomes, we should first stipulate that our health care system should be designed to provide all necessary care to everyone. Since health care now is so expensive, that means that we must have some method of pooling funds, and the financing must be progressive. Medicare is an example of pooled funds with progressive financing.
Some of us can remember when Medicare was first established, physicians were allowed to set their own fees. The cost of the program skyrocketed far beyond even the highest cost projections. Medicare was forced into a system (under continual refinement) that controlled fees. Likewise, escalating costs in the private sector forced the insurers into provider contracting as a means of controlling fees. Even the plans that expose patient/consumers to the costs of health care still have limits on how much the physicians can receive.
We need to learn from other nations that have been successful in covering essentially everyone, while spending far less than the United States. The Health Affairs article demonstrates that one important difference between us and those other nations is that we pay physicians more, even with our current private insurance and public program controls on spending.
What is even more alarming is that procedure-oriented specialists are paid much more than primary care physicians. The Health Affairs study cited above looked at orthopedics as a proxy for procedure-oriented specialists. Other studies have shown that very high fees also apply to most other such specialties.
Unfortunately, this is setting up a battle between the primary care and specialty sectors of medicine. The letter to MedPAC (Medical Payment Advisory Commission) sent by the professional organizations representing high-fee specialists states, “we have serious objections to the recommended proposal to essentially hold primary care ‘harmless’ while cutting specialty physicians’ reimbursement.” It’s war.
Worse, the specialists want Medicare rules changed so that they can set their own fees and collect from the patient the full balance beyond the Medicare allowed fees. If you have looked at any Medicare payment statements recently, you know that the amounts that the patient would be responsible for are staggering. Yet this unreasonable demand is from a sector of physicians that are already paid far more than similar specialists in other nations.
How much should physicians be paid? Under our current fragmented system, Medicare is not able to determine the costs of providing care to the beneficiaries since such costs are not segregated, and it is difficult to determine how much of the practice costs should be paid by the private insurers and by cash-paying patients. If Medicare were the only payer (single payer) then pricing could be based on legitimate total practice costs and fair profits (physician net income). This method would provide the greatest value in our health care purchasing – paying enough to be sure that physicians would be there when you need them, but not paying egregiously excessive profits.
Although it would be foolish to try to specify here precise levels of physicians’ incomes for the United States, we can say that adopting an efficient system of financing health care would bring us far closer to getting the levels right. This is partly what we mean by “improved” in an “improved Medicare for all.”
Rising Health Costs Are Not Just a Federal Budget Problem
By Drew Altman, Ph.D.
Kaiser Family Foundation, September 27, 2011
Premiums for employer-provided health insurance, where 150 million Americans get their coverage, jumped 9% in 2011 while workers’ wages grew just 2%, according to our annual employer survey. The average family policy now costs more than $15,000 per year, more than the cost of a Chevy Aveo or a Ford Fiesta. Since we began doing this survey thirteen years ago, worker contributions to premiums have increased 168%, wages 50%, and inflation 38%.
The “Supercommittee” created by the recent debt reduction legislation will be looking for more ways to save money in government health programs, but the focus in Washington is almost entirely on cutting government spending, not curbing rising health costs overall. Employers will be left to their own devices to try to keep health care costs down. They have never been very successful at this, nor have private health insurance companies. While the conventional wisdom is that private insurance does a better job of controlling costs, the opposite is true. The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) says that Medicare spending per enrollee grew at a much lower rate than private insurance between 1999 and 2009 (4.9% vs. 7.2% for comparable benefits).
In the short term, employers have few new tools to control premium increases. Employees will continue to see more high-deductible health plans, with and without tax-preferred savings accounts, and deductibles will get even larger. These plans have lower premiums because the big upfront deductible that people must pay before their insurance kicks in causes them to use fewer health services. The trend here is very clear, especially in firms with fewer than 200 employees where the percentage of workers in a plan with a deductible of $1,000 or more for single coverage has grown from 16% in 2006 to 50% today. Conservatives rail about Obamacare, but they may be winning more than they are losing; it is their vision of insurance with more “skin in the game” that is gradually taking over the marketplace because employers have no other way to control costs.
Health care groups are maneuvering with defense lobbyists and health provider groups are jockeying with beneficiary advocates about who will take the brunt of the hit from the Supercommittee. But one thing that should be clear is that reducing federal health spending is not the same thing as controlling health care costs; just ask the 150 million Americans and their employers who will be paying $15,000 when they buy a family policy this year.
Summary of findings (8 pages):
When the Affordable Care Act was drafted every effort was made to leave intact the largest source of health care coverage in America – employer-sponsored health plans. Most working families will have no other choices than the plans offered by their employers. How well are they working?
The average premium for an employer-sponsored family plan is now over $15,000, paid for by employee premium contributions and foregone wage increases. As if that weren’t bad enough, more of the direct costs of health care are being shifted to employees and their families, especially through larger deductibles.
The conservatives won the health care reform battle. Health care coverage for workers was left in the more expensive private market, and consumers are being empowered with the right to decline the health care that they need but can no longer afford because of the high out-of-pocket expenses.
Yesterday’s qotd message was on framing, demonstrating how the right has taken control of our cognitive processes by superimposing the moral worldview of individual responsibility, while bypassing logic. As proof, much of the bashing of single payer advocates is coming from the left. Even though liberals understand fully the logic of single payer, they are absorbed in the process of making the Affordable Care Act work. We’ve shown that it cannot ever accomplish the goals of universal coverage and affordability, yet they insist that this right-wing consumer/market approach will get us there through incremental steps, though incrementalism hasn’t achieved our ultimate goals in over a half century of trying.
Today I received an email message that went out to another list, sent by one of the most intelligent, dedicated, progressive individuals in the health care reform movement. The title of the message was, “Don McCanne is wrong Re: [hc4ac] US Last In Mortality Amenable to Health Care.” She wrote, “The vote on the ACA has occurred; opposing it on a daily basis does not get us closer to universal coverage or price controls or to single payer; nor does intoning single payer on a daily basis.”
So abandoning single payer and tweaking a model designed by the conservative Heritage Foundation will get us there? We certainly screwed up the framing on this one!
How Do You Say ‘Economic Security’?
By Theodore R. Marmor and Jerry L. Mashaw
The New York Times, September 23, 2011
In the face of nothing but bad economic news, Americans often take heart in remembering that we have been here before — during the Great Depression, when conditions were far worse than they are today — and we survived.
But there is a crucial difference between then and now: the words that our political leaders use to talk about our problems have changed. Where politicians once drew on a morally resonant language of people, family and shared social concern, they now deploy the cold technical idiom of budgetary accounting.
This is more than a superficial difference in rhetoric. It threatens to deprive us of the intellectual resources needed to address today’s problems.
In 1934, the government was us. We had shared circumstances, shared risks and shared obligations. Today the government is the other — not an institution for the achievement of our common goals, but an alien presence that stands between us and the realization of individual ambitions. Programs of social insurance have become “entitlements,” a word apparently meant to signify not a collectively provided and cherished basis for family-income security, but a sinister threat to our national well-being.
Over the last 50 years we seem to have lost the words — and with them the ideas — to frame our situation appropriately.
Can we talk about this? Maybe not.
(Theodore R. Marmor is a professor emeritus of public policy, and Jerry L. Mashaw is a professor of law, both at Yale.)
The Use of 9/11 to Consolidate Conservative Power: Intimidation via Framing
By George Lakoff
Huff Post Politics, September 10, 2011
From 9/11 on, the American people have been subject to conservative intimidation by framing. I’ve now written five books explaining how framing works in the brain and what citizens could do about it — Moral Politics, Don’t Think of an Elephant, Whose Freedom?, Thinking Points, and The Political Mind. The books were based on results from the cognitive and brain sciences on how reason about social and political issues really works — primarily in terms of morally-based frames, metaphors, and narratives, and only secondarily, if at all, in terms of policy, facts, and logic.
But since the 2008 election, conservative intimidation of the electorate via framing has come back big time, with no adequate Democratic defense against it. With a Democratic president in office, Democrats, both citizens and office-holders, turned their attention to policy and logical, fact-based arguments for the policies. In response to the president’s health care policies, conservatives attacked on the moral front, choosing two moral values from their value system: freedom (“government takeover”) and life (“death panels”). Knowing well that morality trumps lists of policy details, lists of facts, and logic, conservatives won that framing encounter, and have kept winning. Why? Because people, using their real reason, normally think unconsciously in terms of morally based systems of frames, metaphors, and narratives.
Since the 2008 election, America has returned to post-9/11 conservative intimidation by framing. The intimidation does not use violence. It uses media. When conservatives, using their moral system, are able to frame the main values that define public discourse, the media follows suit, because that is how “mainstream” public discourse has been defined. The media, encountering more conservative language, picks up on that language and uses it. Since conservative language evokes conservative frames and values, which are carried with it, the media (liberal or not) winds up helping conservatives. Even arguing against conservatives, liberal pundits in the media first quote what they say. Liberals in the media help the conservatives by quoting their language, even to argue against it.
In the post-2008 return to 9/11 style intimidation by framing, conservatives have been winning. They have protected banks from financial regulation, health insurance companies from government insurance, and corporations from serious environmental regulation. They have successfully attacked the very idea of the public — public education, employees, unions, parks, housing, and safety nets.
Here’s how public intimidation by framing works.
The mechanism of intimidation is framing, not just the use of words or slogans, but rather the changing of what voters take as right as a matter of principle. Framing is much more than mere language or messaging. A frame is a conceptual structure used to think with. Frames come in hierarchies. At the top of the hierarchies are moral frames. All politics is moral. Politicians support policies because they are right, not wrong. The problem is that there is more than one conception of what is moral. Moreover, voters tend to vote their morality, since it is what defines their identity. Poor conservatives vote against their material interests, but for their moral identity.
All language activates frames in the brain. Conservative language activates conservative frames, which activate conservative moral worldviews in the brains of those who hear the language. The more those frames are activated, the stronger the conservative moral views get in people’s brains.
When Democrats are intimidated into using conservative language, they help conservatives, even if they are arguing against them. Here’s why. The main voters you want to affect are the bi-conceptuals, those who are conservative on some issues and progressive on others; that is, those who have both conservative and progressive moral worldviews, but on different issues. They are sometimes misnamed as “the center,” “independents,” or “moderates.” But they do not have any single overriding worldview. Instead they have two. Given the way brains work, the activation of one worldview will inhibit the other worldview. The more one is activated, the stronger it gets and the weaker the opposite one gets. The worldview that is most activated by the public discourse they hear will most likely govern how they will vote. What activates one worldview versus another? Framing. Conservative language activates conservative frames, which activate conservative worldviews. If Democrats use conservative language, even to argue against it, they are just helping conservatives.
To a large extent, Democrats don’t understand this. They think that language is neutral and that reason works by logic. If you just tell people the facts and reason logically, everyone should be convinced. But they aren’t, because language works by framing and by brain mechanisms. Framing is just the normal way people think and talk. Conservatives tend to understand this. They avoid using liberal language. They frame issues very carefully to fit their goals. Democrats need to do the same — avoid using conservative frames and instead frame the issues with their own values.
The conservative consolidation of power violates this most basic of democratic principles. It replaces social and personal responsibility with personal responsibility alone. It approves of the government over our lives by corporations for their own profit, and hence sees government by, of and for the people as immoral and to be eliminated.
The good news is that it doesn’t have to be that way. It is possible for Democrats to learn how frames, narratives, and brains really work. It is possible to take moral stands, with all policies backed up by a single moral vision. It is possible to awaken and strengthen the progressive worldview already present in swing voters who are partly progressive as partly conservative (called “independents,” “moderates,” and “the center”). It is possible for Democrats to say what they believe and win, without giving in to intimidation tactics.
Words. Language. Framing. Egalitarianism? How do you frame that? Is that an American concept? Is that a defining value of democracy? Do our citizens believe that we should strive to ensure that all people have equal rights and opportunities? Or is this a left-wing conspiracy that deprives people of the realization of their individual ambitions? Is it then really just about freedom?
Whatever label you use, the right has gained control of the framing, and framing controls cognitive function. Cognition does not require logic. Those who have been watching the Republican debates have been able to witness cognitive activity that is almost totally devoid of logic, yet the candidates have been well versed on framing. It is the moral worldview of freedom from government that prevails, while dismissing the logic of the great benefits that we receive as a people joining together to establish and operate our own government. This worldview allows them to dismiss the obvious logic of an improved Medicare program that would cover everyone.
We do need to recapture the framing from the conservative ideologues who would destroy as much government functioning as they can. Why they would is beyond the capacity of many of us to understand, but then we are looking for logic where it may not exist.
Do we need to reframe the problems and their potential solutions from a liberal, progressive, Democratic, politically polarized position? Or can we use framing with which the great majority of us can identify? Would framing supporting economic security for everyone work? That’s a moral worldview that is also logical.
Can we talk about this?
Variations in Amenable Mortality — Trends in 16 High-Income Nations
By Ellen Nolte, Ph.D., and Martin McKee, M.D., D.Sc.
The Commonwealth Fund, September 23, 2011
The rate of “mortality amenable to health care” — that is, deaths that are considered preventable with timely and effective health care — declined for people under age 75 across 16 high-income nations between 1997–1998 and 2006–2007. While all countries showed improvement, the United States improved the least.
In 2006–2007, amenable mortality accounted for 24 percent of deaths under age 75 in the 16 countries studied.
The highest levels were in the United States, with 95.5 deaths per 100,000 people.
Addressing the Problem
Although amenable mortality fell consistently in all countries, the scale and pace of improvement varied. The United States’s poor performance and relatively slow improvement compared with other nations may be attributable to “the lack of universal coverage and high costs of care,” the authors conclude.
So, the United States has “the best health care system in the world,” except for all the others. Our amenable mortality – deaths that are preventable with timely and effective health care – is the worst amongst the 16 high-income nations studied.
The authors suggest that our poor result may be attributable to the lack of universal coverage and the high costs of care. Unfortunately the Affordable Care Act (ACA) will provide neither universal coverage nor adequate measures to control health care spending.
The policy community certainly understands that we could cover everyone and control excessive spending by enacting a single payer national health program – an improved Medicare for all. So why have they disappeared behind closed doors to work on ACA – a model that won’t get us there?
Please, policy wonks, come out of the closet!
Under the theory of moral hazard, it is postulated that insured people overuse health care services and that patients themselves are a leading cause of health care inflation. If they would just have more “skin in the game” through enough cost-sharing (co-payments, deductibles and other restrictions), it is assumed that costs could be reined in.
But as I discussed in a lengthy article four years ago, this theory has been fully discredited over the years as a cost-containment tool in U.S. health care. (1) (Geyman, JP. Moral hazard and consumer-driven health care: A fundamentally flawed concept. Intl J Health Services 37 (2): 333-51, 2007) Instead of cutting health care spending, cost-sharing leads many patients to delay or forego necessary health care, resulting in later diagnosis of illness and higher costs down the road, together with decreased quality and outcomes of care.
Overall health care costs are not reduced. Cost-sharing just shifts more costs to patients and families at a time when these costs are already unbearable for many. Meanwhile, the real drivers of health care costs continue unimpeded— perverse incentives within the medical marketplace that encourage physicians, other providers, hospitals and other facilities to deliver more services, whether appropriate or necessary or not; lack of price controls; blatant profiteering by Big PhRMA, investor-owned hospitals and medical supply companies; introduction of new technologies with lax requirements to document their effectiveness; and excess bureaucracy of our 1,300 private insurers.
Although it is now clear that cost-sharing will not fix our cost problems, and will just make patients sicker and increase the numbers of preventable hospitalizations and deaths, the policy-making community continues to bark up this tree. In fact, all the present trends indicate that increased cost-sharing, promoted especially by the GOP and many willing Democrats, will be imposed across the board in both private and public programs.
These examples illustrate the extent of this continuing trend:
• High-deductible plans with increased co-payments for visits and drug prescriptions and greater restrictions on network providers.
• Efforts to increase cost-sharing in private Medicare plans, including Medigap and Medicare Advantage programs.
• The Obama Administration’s “surrender in advance” proposal to introduce new co-payments for home health services for new Medicare beneficiaries (4) (Office of Management and Budget. Living Within Our Means and Investing in the Future. The President’s Plan for Economic Growth and Deficit Reduction. September 2011).
• Draconian Medicaid cutting services and increasing cost-sharing (e.g. Arizonans below the federal poverty level must make co-payments to gain access to care, causing many to forego care, a practice recently rejected by a the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. (5) (Reinhart, MK. Copays break law. The Arizona Republic, August 25, 2011) But conservatives and many Democrats conveniently ignore these inconvenient facts about cost-sharing as a failed mechanism to cut health care costs:
• Despite the widespread and increasing use of cost-sharing over many years, health care inflation remains completely out of control.
• Physicians push the buttons for health care services much more than patients.
• The enormous costs of the multi-payer financing system are wasteful and unsustainable, and could readily be controlled by shifting to a single-payer financing system. The hypocrisy of the right on this issue boggles the mind. Consider these contradictory policies and assertions on the right:
• Blind ideological support of “market competition” as the answer to our cost problems when that is the main part of the cost problem, since real competition does not exist in health care markets (e.g. more consolidation all the time, wide latitude to set prices, little transparency, etc).
• Intent to dismantle Medicare and convert it into a voucher-based welfare program while at the same time opposing cost controls of private Medicare programs and negotiated drug prices that are so effective in the VA.
• Forcing increasing cuts of an already underfunded Medicaid program while promoting for-profit privatized Medicaid programs that offer worse medical care (6) (McCue, MJ, Bailit, MH. Assessing the financial health of managed Medicaid managed care plans and the quality of patient care they provide. The Commonwealth Fund, June 15, 2011) and further gouge the most vulnerable among us.
• Opposition to reforms of Wall Street abuses, where moral hazard of high-risk and exploitive investment practices continue unchecked. (7) (Browning, ES. Fed faces old foe as hazard returns. Wall Street Journal, August 29,2011: C1)
• Failure to even consider a single-payer, not-for-profit Medicare for all program that would assure universal coverage for our whole population with increased choice, more efficiency, fewer disparities and improved quality of care, all at less cost than employers, patients and families are now paying.
• Calling for a more limited role of government until big banks and other privateinstitutions face bankruptcy, then begging for bailouts and minimal follow-up regulation.
• Calling the Obama Administration’s recent proposal for minimal tax rules for those making more than $1 million a year “class warfare” as if the GOP hasn’t been waging such a war for many years. (8) (Knowlton, B. Republican lawmakers equate Obama tax plan with ‘class warfare’. New York Times, September 19, 2011: A 19)
Adding up all these examples of GOP duplicity and hypocrisy (to which many Democrats unfortunately yield), we have to ask when logic, common sense, evidence and fairness will take center stage for health policy makers and legislators? The way things are going could well be called legislative malpractice.
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