Public Split On What to Do About the Health Care System âŠ
News Release, Kaiser Family Foundation, February 25, 2016
The survey also finds that the words to describe such a [health care reform] plan clearly affect how people view it. For instance, nearly two-thirds (64%) of Americans say they have a positive reaction to the term âMedicare-for-all,â and most (57%) say the same about âguaranteed universal health coverage.â Fewer have a positive reaction to âsingle payer health insurance systemâ (44%).
Kaiser Health Tracking Poll: December 17, 2015
By Bianca DiJulio, Jamie Firth, and Mollyann Brodie
When asked their opinion, nearly 6 in 10 Americans (58 percent) say they favor the idea of Medicare-for-all, including 34 percent who say they strongly favor it. This is compared to 34 percent who say they oppose it.
http://kff.org/uninsured/poll-finding/kaiser-health-tracking-poll-december-2015/
In 2009 I posted a paper on the PNHP website with the title, âTwo-thirds of Americans support Medicare for all.â  In that paper I examined two âcitizen juryâ experiments which reported support for single payer in the 70-to-80 percent range, as well as polls showing support in the 50-to-70 percent range. I showed that support for single payer rises as people are given more information about it.
Polls conducted since 2009 confirm that correlation. Two recent polls released by the Kaiser Family Foundation, one last December and one in February, illustrate the correlation. You can see it in these four questions reported by the two polls:
(1)Â 64 percent âhave a positive reaction to the term âMedicare-for-allââ (February poll);
(2) 58 percent âfavor ⊠having a national health plan in which all Americans would get their insurance through an expanded, universal form of Medicare-for-allâ (Dec.);
(3) 50 percent âfavor ⊠having guaranteed health insurance coverage ⊠through a single government health planâ (Feb.); and
(4)Â 44 percent have a âpositive reaction to âsingle-payer health insurance systemââ (Feb). [1]
Questions 1 and 2 above â the questions that elicited the strongest support for single payer â used the phrase âMedicare-for-all.â Because Medicare has insured roughly a sixth of the U.S. population for a half century, Americans have a good idea how it works. âMedicare-for-allâ thus communicates information to respondents about how a single payer works that phrases such as ânational health insuranceâ and âsingle payerâ do not.[2] Respondents to question 3 were given no such additional information about the âgovernment planâ that would âguarantee coverage.â Question 4 offered no information at all about what a âsingle-payer systemâ is.
What would happen if Kaiser had provided information about single payer beyond the fact that it resembles Medicare? What if Kaiser informed respondents that single-payer systems lower total spending â taxes, premiums, and out-of-pocket expenses? Or what if Kaiser informed respondents that Medicare-for-all, or HR 676 (the national legislation supported by single-payer proponents in the U.S.), would restore patient choice of doctor as well as physician authority over medical decision-making? For some reason, pollsters canât bring themselves to do that.
No poll has ever posed these questions: âDo you support or oppose a health insurance system in which everyone would be covered by a program like Medicare? Would your opinion change if you knew such a system would: Lower total spending on health care; restore patient choice of doctor; give doctors more control over medical decision-making?â
In fact, when pollsters have sought to determine how public opinion about Medicare-for-all can be influenced by information beyond that conveyed by the simple comparison to Medicare, they usually do the reverse â they convey inaccurate information. Kaiser is an example.
Although Kaiser has determined in previous polls that two-thirds of American adults say their support for a health policy proposal goes up if the proposal lowers costs and goes down if it reduces their choice of doctor [3], Kaiser has never posed a question about single payer which informed respondents that a single-payer system would cut total spending, restore patient choice of provider, or augment physician autonomy. In fact, Kaiser has done just the opposite.
In its February poll, Kaiser posed several follow-up questions to determine how certain assertions about universal coverage under âa single government health planâ would alter support or opposition for such a plan. But rather than ask all the respondents those follow-up questions, Kaiser asked only half. They asked the 50 percent who said they supported âa single government health planâ (see question 3 above) how they would feel if they heard âopponentsâ say taxes would go up (a half-truth) or âgovernmentâ would gain âtoo much control over health careâ (a lie). [4] Both questions cut support for âa single government health planâ by a whopping 40 percent â the initial 50 percent support fell to 30 percent when respondents heard the claim about taxes going up, and the 50 percent also fell to 30 percent when they heard the canard about âgovernmentâ controlling âhealth care.â
Kaiser did ask questions containing accurate information about âa single government plan,â but only of the 43 percent who initially said they opposed âa single government plan.â Kaiser asked that 43 percent how they would feel if they heard that the âplanâ would make âhealth insurance ⊠a basic right,â âreduce health insurance administrative costs,â and eliminate premiums and out-of-pocket payments. Each question persuaded one-fourth of the initial opponents of the âplanâ to become supporters.
So it is left to the readers to speculate what might have happened if Kaiser had bothered to ask its entire sample a question that compares single payer to Medicare, and then followed up with several accurate questions for its entire sample about cost (taxes and premiums and out-of-pocket costs, not just taxes) and provider choice. Letâs illustrate what might have happened if Kaiser had followed up with an accurate question about cost posed to its entire sample.
We know that 40 percent of the respondents to Kaiserâs February poll who initially expressed support for âa single government planâ became opponents when they heard âtaxesâ would go up. We know that one-fourth (26 percent) of the initial opponents in the February poll switched from opposition to support when they learned premiums and out-of-pocket costs would drop, and that one-fourth also become supporters when they heard administrative costs would drop. In short, somewhere between 25 and 40 percent of Kaiserâs total sample were movable with the cost information provided in that poll.
These figures indicate that support for a âsingle government planâ would rise above the 50 percent level reported in the February poll if all respondents had been told that the âgovernment planâ would lower costs. By how much? A reasonable estimate is somewhere between 25 and 40 percent, and probably closer to 25 percent. If 25 percent is the correct estimate, that would put total support for single payer at 75 percent in Kaiserâs February poll.
Finally, let me ask this question: What would happen if Kaiser had used the phrase âMedicare for allâ in its February poll (as it did in its December poll) rather than âsingle government plan,â and had asked a truthful follow-up question about cost? Would the total level of support have been even higher than 75 percent?
Notes
1. Kaiserâs February poll also posed a question asking respondents to evaluate four proposals, only one of which (âa single government planâ) was described as achieving universal coverage. The other three were repeal of the Affordable Care Act, replacement of the ACA with a âRepublican-sponsored alternative,â and âbuild on the existing health care law.â Kaiserâs question asked which proposal âcomes closest to your view of the future ⊠system,â a question which I find rather odd. Kaiser reported, â[T]he largest share (36%) say lawmakers should build on the Affordable Care Act to improve affordability and access to care, while fewer choose establishing guaranteed coverage through a single government plan (24%), repealing the ACA and not replacing it (16%), or repealing the law and replacing it with a Republican alternative (13%).â
I would bet lots of money some pundit or reporter will claim, or has already claimed, that this poll âfoundâ that only 24 percent of Americans support single payer. For several obvious reasons, that would be a false statement. Perhaps the most obvious reasons are that the question asked for their âviewpointâ on âthe futureâ (not whether they support or oppose a particular proposal), and respondents were given four scenarios that conveyed virtually no information. A less obvious reason is that the question implied the three non-single-payer proposals achieved universal coverage.
2. It is understood by single-payer proponents, and presumably by most observers who use the phrase âMedicare for all,â that the comparison is to the traditional Medicare program, not Medicare Advantage. Previous Kaiser polls suggests the public thinks of Medicare as the traditional program, not as the privatized Medicare Advantage program. Obviously that might change some day if Congress and the White House continue to overpay the insurance companies that participate in Medicare Advantage and enrollment in Medicare Advantage continues to rise.
3. See questions 33a and b in Kaiserâs September 2009 tracking poll: 64 percent said they were âmore likelyâ to âsupportâ a proposal that cuts costs and 65 percent said they more likely to oppose a proposal if it limited their choice of doctor.
4. The statement that taxes will go up under a single-payer system is a half-truth; the other half of the truth is that premiums and out-of-pocket costs will decline, ultimately by more than taxes rose. The statement that âgovernment will control health careâ is false. The truth is just the opposite â physician and patient authority over medical decision-making that has been usurped by insurance companies over the last half century would be restored. If pollsters must ask respondents about âgovernment controlâ over something, the true statement would be that government would control health insurance, not health care.
Kip Sullivan, J.D., is a member of the board of Minnesota Physicians for a National Health Program. His articles have appeared in The New York Times, The Nation, The New England Journal of Medicine, Health Affairs, the Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law, and the Los Angeles Times.