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By Elisabeth Rosenthal and Shefali Luthra
The New York Times, October 19, 2018

After decades in the political wilderness, “Medicare for all” and single-payer health care are suddenly popular. The words appear in political advertisements and are cheered at campaign rallies — even in deep-red states.

Republicans are concerned enough that this month President Trump wrote a scathing op-ed essay that portrayed Medicare for all as a threat to older people and to American freedom.

It is not that. But what exactly these proposals mean to many of the people who say they support them remains unclear.

More than 120 members of Congress have signed on as co-sponsors of a bill called the Expanded and Improved Medicare for All Act, up from 62 in 2016. And at least 70 have joined Capitol Hill’s new Medicare for All Caucus.

But some worry the terms “Medicare for all” and “single payer” are at risk of becoming empty campaign slogans. In precise terms, Medicare for all means bringing all Americans under the government’s insurance program now reserved for people 65 and over, while single-payer health care would have the government pay everyone’s medical bills. But few are speaking precisely.

For every candidate with a clear proposal in mind, another uses the phrases as a proxy for voter frustration. The risk, some critics say, is that “Medicare for all” could become a Democratic version of the Republican “repeal and replace” slogan — a vote-getter that does not translate to political action because there is neither agreement about what it means nor a viable plan.

Dr. Carol Paris, the president of Physicians for a National Health Program, an advocacy group, said she has fielded a number of calls from candidates asking for tutorials on Medicare for all.

“I’m heartened, but not persuaded” that all the high-profile talk will result in any action, she said. She worries about what she called “faux ‘Medicare for all’ plans” that don’t live up to the mantra.

https://www.nytimes.com…

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Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

“Medicare for All” means fixing Medicare and then expanding it to include everyone. It is a straightforward concept that has gained widespread support in the United States. Because of its popularity, many politicians on the left have latched onto the “Medicare for All” label to use in their campaigning while remaining quite vague on the fact that they really support the post-Obamacare status quo for most of us, with the addition of a public option or Medicare buy-in. Those on the right have noticed that this chicanery has gained traction and so, led by President Trump, they are condemning “Medicare for All” using whatever pejorative terms suit their campaigns.

Soon the midterm campaigns will be over. At that time we need to pressure those who said they support Medicare for All to live up to their campaign promise and cosponsor bona fide Improved Medicare for All legislation. For those who claim to be opposed to Medicare for All but also said that they now support a guarantee of health care for individuals with pre-existing disorders, we need to convince them that a single payer national health program is the most efficient and equitable method of achieving that goal. Maybe we’ll even let them call it Trumpcare if that gets the job done.

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U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Office of Inspector General, September 2018

Why OIG Did This Review

A central concern about the capitated payment model used in Medicare Advantage is the potential incentive for MAOs to inappropriately deny access to services and payment in an attempt to increase their profits. An MAO that inappropriately denies authorization of services for beneficiaries, or payments to healthcare providers, may contribute to physical or financial harm and also misuses Medicare Program dollars that CMS paid for beneficiary healthcare.

What OIG Found

When beneficiaries and providers appealed preauthorization and payment denials, Medicare Advantage Organizations (MAOs) overturned 75 percent of their own denials during 2014–16, overturning approximately 216,000 denials each year. During the same period, independent reviewers at higher levels of the appeals process overturned additional denials in favor of beneficiaries and providers. The high number of overturned denials raises concerns that some Medicare Advantage beneficiaries and providers were initially denied services and payments that should have been provided. This is especially concerning because beneficiaries and providers rarely used the appeals process, which is designed to ensure access to care and payment. During 2014-16, beneficiaries and providers appealed only 1 percent of denials to the first level of appeal.

Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) audits highlight widespread and persistent MAO performance problems related to denials of care and payment. For example, in 2015, CMS cited 56 percent of audited contracts for making inappropriate denials. CMS also cited 45 percent of contracts for sending denial letters with incomplete or incorrect information, which may inhibit beneficiaries’ and providers’ ability to file a successful appeal. In response to these audit findings, CMS took enforcement actions against MAOs, including issuing penalties and imposing sanctions. Because CMS continues to see the same types of violations in its audits of different MAOs every year, however, more action is needed to address these critical issues.

https://oig.hhs.gov…

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Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

The findings of this review by CMS’s Inspector General are shocking. Of the claim rejections by the private Medicare Advantage Organizations that were appealed, most of them were overturned, indicating that the claims were certainly legitimate. But likely due to the tremendous administrative burden on the providers of health care, 99 percent of the claim rejections were never appealed. For these organizations to keep funds entrusted to them that were designated to pay for health care services that were actually delivered is worse than thievery because it is on such a massive scale. This is racketeering at its worst.

In her response to this report, CMS Administrator Seema Verma concurs with the recommendations for corrective actions, but then offers no new remedial measures. It is likely that they are not forthcoming. In an effort to privatize Medicare she has greatly increased the payment rates for the plans well beyond legislative intent. She has relaxed the star rating requirements allowing more plans to receive bonuses. She has recently relaxed the regulations on benefits to encourage more Medicaid beneficiaries to enroll in the private plans. And yet she states, “We are not steering any Medicare beneficiary anywhere” (Pear, NYT, 10/13/18).

At the same time, Verma has refused to recommend much needed reforms in the traditional Medicare program. In fact, she is fighting to force physicians to take downside risk in the traditional program (i.e., bear losses), likely with the intent of driving physicians out of the traditional program and into the private Medicare Advantage plans. Verma makes the outrageous claim that Medicare for All “would destroy Medicare for the seniors” (AHIP 10/16/18), when it would actually increase their benefits. Yet she is doing all she can herself to destroy Medicare while building up the private plans so that they can eventually take over.

Enough with the privateers and the racketeers. Let’s take back our Medicare, improve it, and expand it to cover everyone. But we do need public stewards in charge who actually believe in government of, by, and for the people.

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By Margot Sanger-Katz
The New York Times, October 17, 2018

The whole point of health insurance is protection from financial ruin in case of catastrophic, costly health problems. But a recent survey of people facing such problems shows that it often fails in that basic function.

The survey, of some of the country’s most seriously ill people, found that even with health insurance, more than a third of the respondents had spent all or most of their savings while sick. They are often faced with deductibles and co-payments; treatments their insurance won’t cover; and financial challenges — like lost work — that health insurance alone can’t address.

The New York Times, the Commonwealth Fund and the Harvard  T.H. Chan School of Public Health used the survey to examine the sliver of the American population who use the health care system the most. To be included in the results, a respondent had to  have been hospitalized twice in the last two years, and to have seen at least three doctors.

Their experiences may serve as an early warning system for problems that all of us may face: Because the estimated 40 million people in this population visit doctors, hospitals, nursing homes and pharmacies the most, they are the likeliest to see the weak points in the health care system.

One of these is financial insecurity. Among people with health insurance, more than 20 percent had trouble paying for basic necessities. More than a quarter had bills in collection, and 13 percent had borrowed money as a result of their illness.

https://www.nytimes.com…

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Being Seriously Ill in America Today

The Commonwealth Fund, The New York Times, Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, October 2018

From the Conclusions

These poll results present a unique look at the experiences of the most seriously ill patients in America today. They point to significant conclusions.

First, although about nine in ten seriously ill patients (91%) have health insurance coverage, the survey shows that while most people are financially protected, a substantial minority are not. About one-third (34%) report serious problems paying their hospital bills, and about three in ten (29%) report serious problems paying for their prescription drugs.

Among seriously ill patients who have health insurance coverage, these numbers about financial problems are still high. Thirty-one percent report serious problems paying their hospital bills, and 27% say they have problems paying for their prescription drugs.

These unpaid bills have a significant impact. Thirty-seven percent report that they used up all or most of their savings as a result of the cost of their medical condition, and 23% report being unable to pay for basic necessities like food, heat, or housing. For many of these individuals the problem is not that they have no health insurance coverage, but that their coverage is inadequate to deal with a serious illness.

This has implications for the national debate about whether or not governments should require higher levels of basic health insurance coverage for individuals. It also has implications when looking at the scope of public programs, such as Medicare. It is very unlikely that these seriously ill people imagined this high amount of health care expenditures in the years ahead at the time they bought their health insurance coverage or were aware of the level of coverage that Medicare would or would not give them if they were seriously ill.

https://cdn1.sph.harvard.edu…

Other resources on this topic, “Health Care in America: The Experience of People with Serious Illness,” are available at the following link:
https://www.commonwealthfund.org…

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Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

Some say that we need health insurance only for major illnesses and injuries, that we can take care of routine care out of our savings whether or not the funds are transmitted through a health savings account. We know that isn’t true since routine costs have been shown repeatedly to impair access to essential health care services and frequently result in financial hardship for individuals and families. But what about the larger expenses? Does insurance provide adequate protection against catastrophic expenses?

“Among seriously ill patients who have health insurance coverage… Thirty-one percent report serious problems paying their hospital bills, and 27% say they have problems paying for their prescription drugs.” Further, “These unpaid bills have a significant impact. Thirty-seven percent report that they used up all or most of their savings as a result of the cost of their medical condition, and 23% report being unable to pay for basic necessities like food, heat, or housing.”

Obviously insurance is not providing adequate protection for all too many Americans. Even for those over 65 with Medicare, though protection is better it is still not adequate – thirty percent still used up most or all of their savings. That is one of the main reasons why we insist that we need an improved version of Medicare to serve as a financing infrastructure for a single payer national health program.

We can’t say too often that when people use the label, “Medicare for All,” to advocate for a public option or Medicare buy-in, we must challenge them on the inadequacy of such a proposal. Not only is more of the same kind of Medicare inadequate, most of the rest of the financing system that is resulting in the financial hardship reported in this study would remain in place.

The health care financing system needs to be changed. Let’s fix Medicare and then expand it to include absolutely everyone. We’ll still need other changes, but removing the financial barriers to care is a great start.

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By Dan Diamond and Brianna Ehley
POLITICO, October 15, 2018

The Trump administration has tapped Mary Mayhew — the architect of Maine’s aggressive conservative reforms to the social safety net — to oversee the national Medicaid program. She has been an ally of outgoing Maine Gov. Paul LePage, a Republican who has fought as hard as any governor against expanding Medicaid under Obamacare.

CMS announced the move internally Monday, the day Mayhew began as the agency’s deputy administrator and director of Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program.

Mayhew served as Maine’s health commissioner for six years under LePage, leading efforts to tighten the state’s Medicaid eligibility standards, add work requirements to the food stamp program and implement other conservative reforms. She supported LePage as he rejected efforts to expand the state’s Medicaid program — repeatedly vetoing legislation and then resisting after nearly 60 percent of Maine voters approved expansion on a ballot measure in 2017. LePage is spending his final months in office fighting a court order to expand the program.

Mayhew stepped down in May 2017 and ran to succeed LePage as governor, losing in the June Republican primary. As part of her campaign, Mayhew touted how safety-net programs had shrunk under her watch, pointing to a 70 percent decrease in enrollment in the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program — one of the sharpest declines in the nation — and a 24 percent decrease in Medicaid enrollment.

Advocates have warned that Maine’s safety-net suffered under Mayhew’s leadership, noting that measures of hunger and poverty rose even while she oversaw cuts to programs designed to feed and support low-income residents.

https://www.politico.com…

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Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

The Trump administration has appointed Mary Mayhew as director of Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP). She previously worked with Maine Governor Paul LePage to slash safety net programs in that state, taking great pride in the fact that they reduced Medicaid enrollment by 24 percent.

Really? President Trump, Secretary Azar and Administrator Verma brought in a slash and burn expert to supervise the health programs for low-income individuals and families? This is happening right now in the good old United States of America? What kind of a nation have we become that we tolerate this?

Shall we call for a hundred million man march on Washington? If we did, I’m afraid that it would be quite lonely out there.

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By Austin Frakt
The New York Times, October 15, 2018

Calls for a Medicare for All system are growing louder. Many Democrats have embraced it, while President Trump said last week that it would raise health care costs drastically.

Democrats say that giving people the option to partake in Medicare — no matter their age — will actually cut costs.

American administrative costs for health care are the highest in the world, and they argue that one advantage of Medicare for All is that it would save money because Medicare’s administrative costs are below those of private insurers.

Does that argument hold up?

Don’t forget about Medicare’s private plans

Medicare’s administrative costs were $8.1 billion last year, or 1.1 percent of total spending, close to the proportion it has been in recent years.

But some have argued that the actual cost is higher because of services performed for Medicare by other parts of the government that aren’t accounted for: The Social Security Administration collects premiums, the Internal Revenue Service collects taxes for the program, the F.B.I. provides fraud prevention services, and at least seven other federal agencies and departments also do work that benefits Medicare.

The claim that these administrative costs are overlooked is false. As annual reporting of Medicare’s finances plainly states, they are accounted for.

But there is something missing from the $8.1 billion Medicare administrative cost figure, as Kip Sullivan explains in a 2013 paper published in the Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law. Although it accurately accounts for the federal government’s administrative costs, it does not include those borne by private plans that also offer Medicare benefits.

In addition to the traditional (public) Medicare plan, Medicare is also available from private plans through the Medicare Advantage program. Today, one-third of people using Medicare are in such plans, up from about one-fifth a decade ago. Moreover, all Medicare drug benefits are administered through private plans.

National Health Expenditure data shows both the government’s administrative costs for Medicare and those of Medicare’s private plans. Putting them together for the most recent year available (2016), they reach $47 billion, or 7 percent of total Medicare spending — well above the administrative costs borne directly by the Medicare program.

Medicare’s private drug benefit plans incur administrative costs that are about 11 percent of their spending. All of this additional, private administrative cost is paid for by taxpayers and, through their premiums, people who use Medicare.

Medicare’s direct administrative costs are not only low, but they also have been falling over the years, as a percent of total program spending. Yet the program’s total administrative costs — including those of the private plans — have been rising.

“This reflects a shift toward more enrollment in private plans,” Mr. Sullivan said. “The growth of those plans has raised, not lowered, overall Medicare administrative costs.”

The high costs of private insurer plans

Making an accurate estimate of the administrative costs of Medicare for All would depend, in part, on whether it would be more like an expansion of traditional Medicare (with its 1.1 percent administrative cost rate) or of all of Medicare, including its private plans (with a combined 7 percent administrative cost rate).

Yet both figures are well below private insurers’ administrative costs, which run about 13 percent of spending (this also includes profit), according to America’s Health Insurance Plans, an advocacy organization for the industry.

Some critics have argued that Medicare’s administrative cost rate appears artificially low because Medicare enrollees’ health spending is so high. Average Medicare spending per beneficiary is just over $12,000 per year; for an average worker in a private plan, it’s about $6,000. If you simply divide administrative costs by total spending, you will get a lower number for Medicare for this reason alone.

This is true, but the government’s administrative costs for Medicare are still below those of private plans. The government’s administrative costs are about $132 per person compared with over $700 for private plans. One reason Medicare’s are so much lower is that it reaps economies of scale. It also benefits from not needing to do much marketing, and it doesn’t earn profits.

A final critique of Medicare’s administrative costs is that they’re inefficiently low because the program doesn’t spend enough on anti-fraud efforts.

This is hard to prove or disprove. The government engages in a number of Medicare anti-fraud activities that more than pay for themselves. Perhaps another dollar spent tracking fraud would yield more than a dollar in return.

Still, even if Medicare did every bit as much in this area as the private sector, it would not raise its administrative costs by much.

“While private health plans have active anti-fraud, waste and abuse efforts, their total spending on this is very low,” said Andrew Naugle, a health care consultant with Milliman who studies health plan administrative costs. “For most plans, it’s not even in the top 10 categories of administrative spending.”

Features that may be worth the cost

Although Medicare for All might shed some administrative costs, it could also shed some other features, including some that many people appreciate.

“We should keep in mind that traditional Medicare and private plans are completely different products, and thus their associated administrative cost loads are very different,” Mr. Naugle said.

Traditional Medicare is primarily focused on processing payments to providers, while private plans — including those offered by Medicare Advantage, employers and Affordable Care Act marketplace plans — engage in care management, which could help coordinate care for people with chronic conditions. Private plans also establish networks of physicians, which could help steer enrollees to higher-quality providers.

These activities cost money and are things traditional Medicare doesn’t do, at least not directly. It has, however, put in new programs to give health care providers incentives to better coordinate care.

Another point in favor of private plans is that they’re more responsive to consumer demand. For this reason, private plans have provided some benefits that Medicare hasn’t — or provided them long before Medicare did.

For example, drug coverage was commonplace in private plans well before Medicare put in a universal prescription drug benefit in 2006. Another is that traditional Medicare still doesn’t have an out-of-pocket limit, whereas that’s standard for private plans.

But let’s get back to the main question we posed at the top: Are Democrats right that Medicare’s administrative costs are below those of private insurers? The answer is yes. But that’s in part because private plans do things that Medicare doesn’t. Whether those things are worth higher administrative costs is a value judgment on which reasonable people can disagree.

https://www.nytimes.com…

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Published Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

The 1.1 percent administrative cost of traditional Medicare increases to 6 percent when only one-third of the Medicare beneficiaries are enrolled in private Medicare Advantage plans. The waste of the private plans is diluted by the efficiency of the traditional program.

More importantly, the administrative excesses permeate our entire health care delivery system because of the highly fragmented, dysfunctional financing system which also places a great administrative burden on the providers of health care. When people ask where we are going to get the funds tp pay for Medicare for All, they should be reminded that hundreds of billions of dollars are actually recoverable by merely changing to an efficient Medicare for All public financing. That would still leave hundreds of billions for essential administrative services.

Regarding whether or not the private Medicare Advantage plans are providing value for their administrative excesses, the answer is clearly no. Their intrusive care management has been directed more at upcoding to increase profits rather than providing much in the way of truly beneficial services.

It would be much more efficient to roll the extra benefits of Medicare Advantage, retiree plans, and Medigap into the traditional program, creating an improved Medicare for All. The administrative savings along with negotiated pricing is the key to providing affordable health care services to absolutely everyone.

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By Tricia Neuman, Karen Pollitz, and Jennifer Tolbert
KFF, October 2018

As policymakers debate next steps for expanding health insurance coverage and lowering health costs, some have introduced legislation that would broaden the role of public programs, such as Medicare and Medicaid. During the 115th Congress, eight such proposals were introduced, ranging from bills that would create a new national health insurance program for all U.S. residents, replacing virtually all other sources of public and private insurance (Medicare-for-All), to more incremental approaches that would create a new public plan option, as a supplement to private sources of coverage and public programs.

These eight legislative proposals differ in ways that have important implications for consumers, health care providers and payers, including employers, states, the federal government, and taxpayers. Key policy differences relate to eligibility, the size and scope of the public plan, covered benefits and cost sharing, premiums, subsidies for premium and cost sharing, cost containment strategies, and the likely interactions with current public programs and private sources of coverage. They also vary in their level of detail; some bills, according to their sponsors, are intended to serve as blueprints for reform, and are expected to include greater specificity over time. Given the timing of the legislative calendar, these bills are unlikely to advance in the current Congressional session; however, they illustrate the range of options that will likely serve as prototypes for legislation that may be introduced in the next session of Congress.

Greatly simplified, these public plan proposals fall into four general categories:

* Two proposals would create Medicare-For-All, a single national health insurance program for all U.S. residents (Senator Sanders, S.1804; Rep. Ellison, H.R. 676);

* Three proposals would create a new public plan option, based on Medicare, that would be offered to individuals and some or all employers through the ACA marketplace (The Choice Act by Rep. Schakowsky, H.R. 635, and Sen. Whitehouse, S. 194); The Medicare-X Choice Act by Sen. Bennett, S. 1970, and Rep. Higgins, H.R.4094; and the Choose Medicare Act by Sen. Merkley, S. 2708 and Rep. Richmond, H.R. 6117)

* Two proposals would create a Medicare buy-in option for older individuals not yet eligible for the current Medicare program (Sen. Stabenow, S. 1742; Rep. Higgins, H.R. 3748); and

* One proposal would create a Medicaid buy-in option that states can elect to offer to individuals through the ACA marketplace. (Sen Schatz, S. 2001 and Rep. Luján, H.R. 4129).

This policy brief summarizes key features of these proposals, highlights similarities and differences, and discusses key questions, trade-offs and potential implications.

Issue Brief (16 pages):
http://files.kff.org…

Side-by-Side Comparison of Medicare-for-All and Public Plan Proposals (12 pages):
http://files.kff.org…

Interactive for comparing proposals:
https://www.kff.org…

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Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

The enthusiasm for Medicare for All continues to increase so much so that it has now become part of our national parlance. Until recently, the meaning of the term has been quite specific, referring to a single payer national health program based on an improved version of our traditional Medicare program that would include everyone and which would be publicly-financed and publicly-administered.

Now advocates of various models of incremental reform want to get in on the action, and they are doing so usually by using the Medicare label. So we not only have two Medicare for All bills, but we also have the labels of Medicare public option (Choice, Medicare-X Choice, Choose Medicare), Medicare Buy-in (Medicare at 55, Medicare Buy-in and Health Care Stabilization), and even a Medicaid buy-in option. Needless to say, this has caused confusion which particularly has been a problem with distinguishing true single payer from merely adding a public option to our current inefficient, fragmented financing system.

This report, authored by the policy experts at KFF, is timely and welcome since it describes the eight leading legislative proposals and discusses some of the key issues that distinguish them. The authors do set apart Medicare for All as a single, federal, government-administered program that would provide coverage to all U.S. residents, replacing virtually all other sources of private health coverage (employment-sponsored plans and insurance offered inside and outside ACA marketplaces) and most public programs, including Medicare, Medicaid and CHIP. All of these other programs – public option, Medicare buy-in, and state Medicaid buy-in – keep intact our administratively inefficient, expensive, fragmented, dysfunctional health care financing system while merely adding administratively complex options.

The difference is night and day. There should be no confusion between an improved Medicare for All that would fix our health care financing problems, and the other proposals that merely add to the complexity and waste while failing to adequately address the inequities and deficiencies inherent in our current system.

This is why the Issue Brief and Side-by-Side comparison produced by KFF are so pertinent. They can be used to educate others on the stark differences between the two approaches to reform – single payer versus adding an option – not to mention that they can be used to sharpen your communication skills as you attempt to educate others on these crucial differences.

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