PNHP

Bernie Sanders: “Our Revolution”

Bernie Sanders: “Our Revolution”

Our Revolution: A Future To Believe In

By Bernie Sanders

It has never made sense to me that the quality of care a person receives – indeed, whether that person receives any care – should be dependent upon the job that he or she has or the wealth of their family. It has never made sense to me that Americans should be forced into bankruptcy because of a serious illness. It has never made sense to me that some people will live and some people will die because of their health insurance status.

Most important, it has never made sense to me that our health care system is primarily designed to make huge profits for multibillion-dollar insurance companies, drug companies, hospitals, and medical equipment suppliers. Health care is not a commodity. It is a human right. The goal of a sane health care system should be to keep people well, not to make stockholders rich.

The bottom line is that in the United States we spend an enormous amount of money for a health care system that performs poorly. It’s time for a change – a real change.

According to a recent report drafted by thirty-nine physicians from the Physicians for a National Health Program (PNHP) and endorsed by some 2,500 medical doctors, a movement to “a single payer system would trim administration, reduce incentives to over-treat, lower drug prices, minimize wasteful investments in redundant facilities, and eliminate almost all marketing and investor profits. These measures would yield the substantial savings needed to fund universal care and new investments in currently under-funded services and public health activities – without any net increase in national health spending.”

From the Conclusion

Humanity is at a crossroads. We can continue down the current path of greed,consumerism, oligarchy, poverty, war, racism, and environmental degradation. Or we can lead the world in moving in a very different direction.

Yes. We can overcome the insatiable greed that now exists and create an economy that ends poverty and provides a decent standard of living for all. Yes. We can create a vibrant democracy where knowledgeable citizens actively debate the great challenges they face. Yes. We can create a health care system that guarantees health care for every man, woman, and child, and that focuses on disease prevention and keeping us healthy, not outrageous profits for insurance companies and the pharmaceutical industry. Yes. We can effectively combat climate change and transform our energy system away from fossil fuel and into energy efficiency and sustainable energy.

No. We will not be able to accomplish those goals if we look at democracy as a spectator sport, assuming others will do it for us. They won’t. The future is in your hands. Let’s get to work.

http://us.macmillan.com/ourrevolution/berniesanders

***

Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

May this book become the bible of “our revolution.”

ACA has not moved the U.S. from last place in affordable access to health care

In New Survey of 11 Countries, U.S. Adults Still Struggle with Access to and Affordability of Health Care

By Robin Osborn, David Squires, Michelle M. Doty, Dana O. Sarnak, Eric C. Schneider, M.D.
The Commonwealth Fund, November 16, 2016

The Issue

Asking people directly about their experiences with the health care system can reveal valuable information about how well a country is meeting the needs of its population. A new Commonwealth Fund study in Health Affairs examines patients’ experiences based on responses to a 2016 survey of adults in 11 countries: Australia, Canada, France, Germany, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

The Big Picture

Although the U.S. has made significant progress in expanding insurance coverage under the Affordable Care Act, it remains an outlier among high-income countries in ensuring access to health care. The authors point out that all of the other countries surveyed provide universal insurance coverage, and many provide better cost protection and a more extensive safety net.

The Bottom Line

Despite progress since passage of the Affordable Care Act, adults in the United States remain more likely to go without needed health care because of costs compared to adults in other high-income countries.

http://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/in-the-literature/2016/nov/2016-international-health-policy-survey-of-adults

***

Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

The Affordable Care Act (ACA) is now essentially fully implemented. So how are we doing? According to a new Commonwealth Fund study, “adults in the United States remain more likely to go without needed health care because of costs compared to adults in other high-income countries.” Although ACA brought some improvements, they are grossly inadequate by international standards.

Congress is about to reopen the health care reform process. Mere tweaking cannot repair our highly dysfunctional health care financing infrastructure. We need to make sure that a model that does work – a single payer national health program – is front and center in their negotiations.

We can shape health care reform in the Trump era

Health Reform in the Trump Era

A Big Step Back, But Possibilities for Bigger Steps Forward

By Steffie Woolhandler, M.D., M.P.H., and David U. Himmelstein, M.D.
Physicians for a National Health Program, November 16, 2016

The 2016 election turned on racism, xenophobia and anger at the status quo, including the Affordable Care Act (ACA). The law covered about 20 million, and modestly improved access to care. But it didn’t address the health care problems facing most working families, feeding the perception that the Democratic Party had neglected them. Trump seized on the ACA as a symbol of the establishment’s false promises, and has placed repeal at the top of his to do list.

There are many indicators of what Trump has in mind to replace the ACA, but they’re pointing in different directions. We suspect that the likeliest replacement is a meaner (and rebranded) facsimile of the ACA that retains its main structural element – using tax dollars to subsidize private insurance – while imposing new burdens on the poor and sick.

For Republicans, the ACA poses a difficult dilemma. Its model was conceived by Richard Nixon’s henchmen in 1971, celebrated and elaborated by the Heritage Foundation in 1989, and first implemented by Mitt Romney in 2006. Obama’s version, like these earlier ones, called for sliding-scale public subsidies to help low-income individuals purchase private coverage through insurance exchanges, along with a mandate that individuals (and sometimes employers) buy coverage. For the poor, Obama (like Nixon) relied on expanding Medicaid, but almost all of the ACA’s new Medicaid coverage was channeled through private Medicaid-managed-care insurers. And Obama added progressive elements to the Republican formula, e.g. requiring insurers to cover essential benefits (notably contraception and preventive care) and a new “Medicare” tax on some investment income.

Will Republicans reclaim their health care heritage after years spent rabidly attacking its Obamacare variant? Paul Ryan’s recent pronouncements (and the abiding interests of powerful insurance, drug and hospital firms) suggest that they will. Ryan would rebrand the Obamacare premium “subsidies” as “tax credits,” but make them available to anyone who lacks employer-paid coverage, including the wealthy. In essence, he’d shift some of the subsidy money up the income scale and undermine employer-based coverage. He’d maintain (at least for the time being) Obamacare’s boost to Medicaid funding, but let states cut Medicaid coverage and divert the funds to other uses. And he’d hasten the privatization of Medicare, which has already been proceeding apace.

If there’s a brighter side to this dark picture, it’s that Trump and his allies will reclaim ownership of the Nixon/Heritage/Romney/ACA model. This shift seems likely to unmuzzle single-payer supporters who closeted themselves during the ACA era, fearful that calls for more radical reform would fan right-wing attacks. Already Elizabeth Warren, previously reluctant to criticize the ACA, has been liberated: “Let’s be honest: [The ACA’s] not bold. It’s not transformative. … I’m OK taking half a loaf if our message was ‘Here’s half, now let’s go get the rest.’”

A similar strategic perspective motivated PNHP’s founding at a conference of clinicians caring for the poor. After years spent parrying Reagan’s assaults on Medicaid and community clinics, we concluded that a defensive stance was untenable. The U.S. health care system, even with Medicaid intact, prioritized corporate greed over patients’ needs, and was politically indefensible. It wasn’t possible to fix health care for the poor without fixing it for everyone.

That conclusion holds today. For the working class, incomes have stagnated and out-of-pocket costs have soared. For whites without a college education, death rates are rising, driven by diseases of despair like suicide and substance use. Trump spoke (disingenuously) to that despair; Clinton failed to. The resonance of Bernie Sanders’ single-payer message is backed up by polls that show three-fifths of Americans – including a majority of those who want the ACA repealed, and 41 percent of Republicans – favor a “federally funded healthcare program providing insurance for all Americans.”

In health care, reform must address the pressing problems of the majority who have private coverage and Medicare, as well as those who are uninsured or on Medicaid. Only single payer can do that.

A few suggestions for work in the months ahead:

1. Colleagues are, more than ever, receptive to the single-payer message. Let’s talk about it in corridors, conferences, lecture halls and national meetings; use Facebook, Twitter, email and snail mail to recruit new PNHP members; and push journal editors to end their virtual blackout on single payer.

2. With Medicaid under attack, in many states we’ll need to join in its defense. But we must simultaneously declare that this halfway measure is no substitute for real reform. Let’s not repeat the error of ACA backers who tried to convince people that their health care problems had been solved. Similarly, defense of Medicare should not paper over that program’s flaws.

3. We need to help focus the anger at elites onto the real health care elites: insurance and drug firms, and corporate health care providers.

4. In the past PNHP has focused narrowly on single-payer reform, avoiding participation in most broad-based coalitions. We should reconsider that stance in the context of the broad opposition to the Trump regime, and the urgency of threats to our communities. Effective action will require coalitions that span many issues. We should participate in those that include a demand for single payer.

5. It’s time to ramp up organizing for H.R. 676. Politicians can no longer seek refuge in the fiction that health reform is a “done deal” and is working. While work for state-based reforms can provide a useful organizing tool, it cannot address the nation’s most acute health care problems, which are concentrated in states with little hope of local legislation.

https://www.pnhp.org/news/2016/november/health-reform-in-the-trump-era

***

Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

Health care reform is once again on the national political agenda. It is time for action. The suggestions offered should provide guidance on how each of us can become personally involved.

We do not want a repeat of the process leading to the Affordable Care Act wherein the only ideas permitted were those supported by the medical-industrial complex – insurers and pharmaceutical firms being prime examples. We need to assume a leadership role, even if that means forcing our way into the process, figuratively.

The political insiders are moving into position with their highly flawed policy recommendations that will only make the situation worse. It will be easy to critique their proposals, but it will be crucial that we communicate loudly and clearly our very positive message of ensuring affordable and accessible care for all.

Those who can make it to the PNHP meeting in Washington, DC this weekend should try to do so. Although advance registration has closed, on site registration will be available. Use this link for more information:
https://www.pnhp.org/about/annual-meeting-leadership-training

Start this phase of your activism now.

Which way for Trump and progressives on pharmaceutical reform?

By Adam Gaffney, M.D.
The Hill, Nov. 16, 2016

Last January, to the astonishment of many, Donald Trump asserted that he favored allowing Medicare to negotiate with pharmaceutical companies over drug prices, a longstanding progressive policy that was also supported by the Democratic candidates. “We don’t do it. Why? Because of the drug companies,” Trump said.

Will he pursue such a populist course on drug prices once in office? It seemed unlikely then. But now, it seems pretty clear that the promise was a bait-and-switch: his new website does not include a word about Medicare drug negotiations.

Instead it calls for “[r]eform[ing] the Food and Drug Administration [FDA], to put greater focus on the need of patients for new and innovative medical products,” code words for a pro-Pharma agenda that would weaken the FDA standards for drug approval.

A similar pro-industry agenda was embodied in the 21st Century Cure Act that was passed by the House last year. As an article in the New England Journal of Medicine described, that act would “lead to the approval of drugs and devices that are less safe or effective than existing criteria would permit,” producing a windfall for the drug industry but greatly increasing the likelihood that unsafe medications would gain approval.

Drug company stock prices rocketed the day after Trump’s election, reflecting investors newfound confidence in the industry’s prospects under his presidency.

full article:
http://thehill.com/blogs/pundits-blog/healthcare/306458-which-way-for-trump-and-progressives-on-pharmaceutical-reform

Health Reform in the Trump Era

A Big Step Back, But Possibilities for Bigger Steps Forward

By Steffie Woolhandler, M.D., M.P.H., and David U. Himmelstein, M.D.
November 16, 2016

The 2016 election turned on racism, xenophobia and anger at the status quo, including the Affordable Care Act (ACA). The law covered about 20 million, and modestly improved access to care. But it didn’t address the health care problems facing most working families, feeding the perception that the Democratic Party had neglected them. Trump seized on the ACA as a symbol of the establishment’s false promises, and has placed repeal at the top of his to do list.

There are many indicators of what Trump has in mind to replace the ACA, but they’re pointing in different directions. We suspect that the likeliest replacement is a meaner (and rebranded) facsimile of the ACA that retains its main structural element – using tax dollars to subsidize private insurance – while imposing new burdens on the poor and sick.

For Republicans, the ACA poses a difficult dilemma. Its model was conceived by Richard Nixon’s henchmen in 1971, celebrated and elaborated by the Heritage Foundation in 1989, and first implemented by Mitt Romney in 2006. Obama’s version, like these earlier ones, called for sliding-scale public subsidies to help low-income individuals purchase private coverage through insurance exchanges, along with a mandate that individuals (and sometimes employers) buy coverage. For the poor, Obama (like Nixon) relied on expanding Medicaid, but almost all of the ACA’s new Medicaid coverage was channeled through private Medicaid-managed-care insurers. And Obama added progressive elements to the Republican formula, e.g. requiring insurers to cover essential benefits (notably contraception and preventive care) and a new “Medicare” tax on some investment income.

Will Republicans reclaim their health care heritage after years spent rabidly attacking its Obamacare variant? Paul Ryan’s recent pronouncements (and the abiding interests of powerful insurance, drug and hospital firms) suggest that they will. Ryan would rebrand the Obamacare premium “subsidies” as “tax credits,” but make them available to anyone who lacks employer-paid coverage, including the wealthy. In essence, he’d shift some of the subsidy money up the income scale and undermine employer-based coverage. He’d maintain (at least for the time being) Obamacare’s boost to Medicaid funding, but let states cut Medicaid coverage and divert the funds to other uses. And he’d hasten the privatization of Medicare, which has already been proceeding apace.

If there’s a brighter side to this dark picture, it’s that Trump and his allies will reclaim ownership of the Nixon/Heritage/Romney/ACA model. This shift seems likely to unmuzzle single-payer supporters who closeted themselves during the ACA era, fearful that calls for more radical reform would fan right-wing attacks. Already Elizabeth Warren, previously reluctant to criticize the ACA, has been liberated: “Let’s be honest: [The ACA’s] not bold. It’s not transformative. … I’m OK taking half a loaf if our message was ‘Here’s half, now let’s go get the rest.’”

A similar strategic perspective motivated PNHP’s founding at a conference of clinicians caring for the poor. After years spent parrying Reagan’s assaults on Medicaid and community clinics, we concluded that a defensive stance was untenable. The U.S. health care system, even with Medicaid intact, prioritized corporate greed over patients’ needs, and was politically indefensible. It wasn’t possible to fix health care for the poor without fixing it for everyone.

That conclusion holds today. For the working class, incomes have stagnated and out-of-pocket costs have soared. For whites without a college education, death rates are rising, driven by diseases of despair like suicide and substance use. Trump spoke (disingenuously) to that despair; Clinton failed to. The resonance of Bernie Sanders’ single-payer message is backed up by polls that show three-fifths of Americans – including a majority of those who want the ACA repealed, and 41 percent of Republicans – favor a “federally funded healthcare program providing insurance for all Americans.”

In health care, reform must address the pressing problems of the majority who have private coverage and Medicare, as well as those who are uninsured or on Medicaid. Only single payer can do that.

A few suggestions for work in the months ahead:

1. Colleagues are, more than ever, receptive to the single-payer message. Let’s talk about it in corridors, conferences, lecture halls and national meetings; use Facebook, Twitter, email and snail mail to recruit new PNHP members; and push journal editors to end their virtual blackout on single payer.

2. With Medicaid under attack, in many states we’ll need to join in its defense. But we must simultaneously declare that this halfway measure is no substitute for real reform. Let’s not repeat the error of ACA backers who tried to convince people that their health care problems had been solved. Similarly, defense of Medicare should not paper over that program’s flaws.

3. We need to help focus the anger at elites onto the real health care elites: insurance and drug firms, and corporate health care providers.

4. In the past PNHP has focused narrowly on single-payer reform, avoiding participation in most broad-based coalitions. We should reconsider that stance in the context of the broad opposition to the Trump regime, and the urgency of threats to our communities. Effective action will require coalitions that span many issues. We should participate in those that include a demand for single payer.

5. It’s time to ramp up organizing for H.R. 676. Politicians can no longer seek refuge in the fiction that health reform is a “done deal” and is working. While work for state-based reforms can provide a useful organizing tool, it cannot address the nation’s most acute health care problems, which are concentrated in states with little hope of local legislation.

Drs. Woolhandler and Himmelstein are professors of health policy and management at the City University of New York School of Public Health at Hunter College and lecturers in medicine at Harvard Medical School. They co-founded Physicians for a National Health Program.

Doctors to protest high drug prices outside PhRMA headquarters Nov. 18

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE, November 16, 2016
CONTACT: Mark Almberg, mark@pnhp.org, 312-782-6006

Media Advisory

Physicians, medical students and labor leaders to denounce drug industry for price gouging and profiteering, and to call for an ‘improved Medicare for All’ to rein in drug costs

WHAT: A picket line and rally of about 100 physicians and their supporters outside the Washington headquarters of the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA) to protest the skyrocketing prices of prescription drugs and the blatant profiteering of the drug industry.

WHY: Protest organizers say the median price of the 100 best-selling brand-name drugs jumped from $1,260 in 2010 to $9,400 in 2014, and that pharma executives made $11 billion between 2011 and 2015. They say a single-payer system, or “improved Medicare for all,” would be able to negotiate better prices for prescription drugs and medical supplies, bringing prices into line with what patients pay in other countries.

WHO: (speakers)

* Dr. Robert Zarr, a Washington, D.C.-based pediatrician who serves as president of Physicians for a National Health Program (PNHP)
* Mark Dimondstein, president, American Postal Workers Union
* Kamini Doobay, leader in the New York Coalition to End Racism in the Health System
* Emily Kirchner, a third-year med student at Temple and leader of Students for a National Health Program
* Michael Lighty, public policy director, National Nurses United
* Dr. Adam Gaffney, critical care specialist and PNHP leader, Cambridge, Mass.

WHEN:  4:30 p.m. – 5 p.m. Eastern time, Friday, Nov. 18

WHERE: PhRMA headquarters, 950 F Street N.W., Washington

VISUALS: Many physicians in white lab coats, many signs denouncing pharma greed, and an oversize “invoice” from the American people to PhRMA demanding that the drug industry refund the $150 billion in annual excess costs it has imposed on American people in comparison to what patients pay in other developed countries with single-payer systems.

Physicians for a National Health Program (www.pnhp.org) is a nonprofit research and education organization of more than 20,000 doctors who support a single-payer national health program.

Medicare for all would benefit rich and poor

By Richard A. Damon, M.D.
Bozeman (Mont.) Daily Chronicle, Letters, Nov. 15, 2016

Tom Murphy, AP health writer, recently wrote that millions of Americans have seen the price of their health care insurance go up every year for years. Premiums outpace inflation and wages, and they affect nearly every household member with health issues. He asks, “Does it have to be this way? Why do health care costs grow so much faster than most other spending necessities, and do so consistently?”

Insurance premiums, according to the Kaiser Foundation, have risen 213 percent since 1999. Wages have risen 60 percent, and inflation is up 44 percent. It’s becoming harder, even under the ACA public insurance exchanges, to find insurance plans that do not have narrowed networks of providers, co-pays, deductible or co-insurance. Medical financial burdens are straining incomes to the tipping point.

Murphy investigated if advances in medical devices, and diagnostic procedures contribute to exorbitant costs, and found that technological advances did provide faster care, but at greater cost to the patient.

Employers are cost-shifting intolerable premiums to employees, making wages and employee purchasing power diminish, and creating financial hardship for many middle and lower income families.

Families with health insurance were studied by the Kaiser Foundation together with the NY Times and found: 63 percent used up their savings; 42 percent had to take extra jobs; 37 percent borrowed money; 75 percent struggled with co-pays, deductibles and co-insurance costs; 62 percent postponed dental care; 43 percent skipped diagnostic tests or treatment; 41 percent didn’t fill prescribed prescriptions; 35 percent couldn’t pay for food, heat or housing; 58 percent were contacted by a collection agency; 61 percent lived paycheck to paycheck; 18 percent couldn’t pay monthly bills; 13 percent had unpaid medical bills over $10,000.

Every American, rich or poor, would benefit from Medicare for all.

Dr. Richard A. Damon resides in Bozeman.

http://www.bozemandailychronicle.com/opinions/letters_to_editor/medicare-for-all-would-benefit-rich-and-poor/article_d7babbb5-ac81-529b-b615-41c8c20f3f25.html

Lancet interview of David Himmelstein on the election

US Election reaction

The Lancet, November 11, 2016

Dr. David U. Himmelstein, co-founder of Physicians for a National Health Program, was interviewed by Richard Lane, web editor at The Lancet.

Richard Lane, The Lancet: David, welcome. You’re a health policy expert. We want to talk a lot about health care. But first of all we’ve got to talk about the extraordinary night that was Tuesday evening. Can I get your reaction to the election? Did you have any sense that this might happen?

David Himmelstein, M.D.: Well, we were worried that it might happen after Brexit and other events elsewhere. And frankly Trump’s performance in the primaries gave some clue that the polls might be off. So I didn’t expect it, but I was worried that it might happen.

==

RL: One of the biggest problems with the implementation of the Affordable Care Act, as far as I could see as a non-American from outside, was the way it was implemented that led to some terribly bumpy things along the way, didn’t it? Just the launch of the insurance market was a disaster, with the internet systems not working. But more importantly, over and above that, and this was the political fuel that the Republicans were almost rubbing their hands with glee with at the rally in Philadelphia last week, were the rising prices of premiums, because the insurance companies couldn’t get enough people to enroll in the program. So even though the Affordable Care Act had very laudable aims to extend its reach, and it did to 20 million people, its implementation has been deeply flawed, hasn’t it?

DH: The program was deeply flawed from the outset. It was enormously complex, and really represented a compromise that was pushed by the insurance industry. Most of the additional coverage was purchased through private insurance plans and increased the revenues given to private insurers. The structure of the program, in order to try and make it work, was tremendously complex, and that’s what really created the disorder in its startup, because trying to enroll people in hundreds of different plans around the country, each with differing offers of coverage, and deductibles – the amount that one must pay before the insurance kicks in – varied from plan to plan, as did the level of co-payments (how much you pay in addition to the insurance at each visit).  Those things varied from plan to plan, so there was tremendous complexity really baked into the program. It’s quite striking in contrast to our Medicare program which is the single-payer program for the elderly. That federal government program, which started up some 10 months after its passage by the Congress back in the 1960s before we even had any computers, enrolled 99 percent of all eligible people within that 10-month window without any notable glitches or confusion. So it’s quite clear that the structure of Obamacare was deeply flawed from the outset. And, as you say, the prices of the insurance rose quite steeply because they relied largely on market forces. I think I’m not alone in saying that the market doesn’t actually work in health care and we know that the U.S., which has the most market-oriented of health care systems, has by far the highest cost of our health care system, and it is no surprise that costs rose partly because sicker people were the ones who took up the offer of the new coverage, and they’re the most expensive people.

Podcast, 14 minutes:
http://www.thelancet.com/audio/us-election-reaction

Full transcript:
https://www.pnhp.org/news/2016/november/the-lancet-interviews-dr-david-himmelstein-on-the-us-election-results

Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

Much of the interview is cloaked in uncertainty since we do not know yet precisely what Donald Trump, working with Congress, will do. But the discussion to date raises great concerns.

You would think from the media reports that there are only two positions – some form of repeal and replacement of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), or preserve and protect ACA. But the excerpt selected makes a very important point. The inherent fundamental defects in our existing health care financing infrastructure were not amenable to the tweaks of ACA. Although beneficial, ACA could not repair the glaring defects in the system.

So the battle should not be over protecting the existing financing system but rather it should be over what the replacement will be – a market-based system that leaves health care unaffordable for tens of millions, or a public single payer program that takes care of everyone? We have to be sure that Washington understands that this is the debate we should be having.

A call to action from PNHP President Robert Zarr

A call to action

November 14, 2016

Dear colleague,

Last week, our country witnessed a historic protest against the status quo, a protest fueled by frustration and anger.

The divide between haves and have nots has been widening. Millions of Americans suffer needlessly in this land of plenty, where maldistribution, not scarcity, leaves many without adequate food, shelter, education, parks, and health care.

We all deserve to be healthy, happy and proud of our heritage, and should feel no need to prop ourselves up at the expense of others. Our country is unique and strong because it was founded on the principles of liberty and opportunity, a bounty that has been expanded through struggle to groups that were once excluded.

I write these words as a physician who bears daily witness to the everyday tragedies of ordinary people, people of every shade, language, culture and income. My patients vary greatly. Some grew up milking cows, harvesting our food or butchering animals, some dodging bullets. Others build roads, teach or care for our kids, or nurture our minds and souls with music or verse.

As a doctor, listener and healer, I write to you, my partners, fellow physicians, nurses, physical and mental health therapists, students, and everyone who shares our common experience of listening to and helping others. Perhaps our greatest asset as healers is our ability to be resourceful, innovative, and creative in helping our patients overcome the seemingly insurmountable. We are expert at making lemonade out of lemons.

Our work helping one person at a time will never end, and will likely be intensified in the months and years ahead. But our work does not end in the exam room.

It is important, in this time of chaos and uncertainty, that health care professionals organize ourselves to take collective action and speak with a coherent voice. More than ever, our patients, and our country need us as activists, as well as healers.

No organization is better positioned than Physicians for a National Health Program to provide the tools and safe spaces for us to make our voices heard. And there is no more urgent time than the present to build a broad coalition and a fearless movement to bring us closer to a fair, just, and equitable world.

Sincerely,

Robert Zarr, M.D., M.P.H.
President
pres.zarr@pnhp.org

P.S. I encourage you to read an interview that Dr. David Himmelstein gave to The Lancet  just two days after Tuesday’s election; I think you’ll find it of interest. Second, at PNHP’s Annual Meeting this Saturday in Washington we’ll hear analyses of the Republicans’ health policy agenda, and begin the process of plotting the future of the single-payer movement and how to protect our patients during the difficult times ahead. It’s not too late to register. Please join us if you can. (Pre-registration ends tonight, but we will take registrations at the door.)

Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

There is hope for the future of our health care system, and we can be the source of that.

Health Care in the Age of Trump

There is no uniquely Trumpian health care agenda. The danger is the enactment of the GOP’s reactionary proposals.

By Adam Gaffney, M.D.
Jacobin, Nov. 11, 2016
 
Tuesday, there should be little doubt, was a toxic day for health – and health care – in America.

The implications of the election are widespread and multifaceted, ranging from the catastrophic impact a Trump presidency will have on climate change – and the attendant global health consequences – to the squeeze on reproductive health care access that will likely follow the rise of the Right.

At the state level, important health care-related ballot initiatives went down in defeat, including a universal health care referendum in Colorado and an initiative in California that was set to mildly loosen Big Pharma’s tentacle-like grip on the state’s finances (it would have merely allowed the state to purchase drugs at the discount already available to the federal government). Big Pharma and the insurance industry poured huge sums into lobbying campaigns against these initiatives – money that was evidently well spent.

Even more ominously, Republicans now control both the executive and legislative branches, giving them the chance to remold the nation’s health care system into something both uglier and more lucrative for the nation’s corporate health care interests (Pharma stocks soared the day after the election).

For those of us who predicted (and hoped) that the coming health care divide would be between centrist-liberal and left-progressive visions, this election constitutes a complete upheaval in the political landscape of health reform.

Some important questions arise. What might Republicans have in store for health care? What will the politics of health care reform look like going forward? And how can we keep the dream for single-payer alive?

full:
https://www.jacobinmag.com/2016/11/obamacare-medicare-medicaid-trump-election/

The Lancet interviews Dr. David Himmelstein on the U.S. election results

The following is an unofficial transcript of an interview that Dr. David U. Himmelstein gave to Richard Lane, web editor at The Lancet, on Nov. 10, 2016. Dr. Himmelstein is professor of health policy and management at the City University of New York School of Public Health and lecturer in medicine at Harvard Medical School. He is co-founder of Physicians for a National Health Program. You can listen to the interview at this link at The Lancet.

Richard Lane, The Lancet: Welcome to the latest podcast from The Lancet. I’m Richard Lane and it’s Friday, November 11th. This podcast comes to you from New York City. We’re in the United States because of the election, and what an extraordinary, dramatic election it has been. And I’m joined on the line by Dr. David Himmelstein for this podcast. David, welcome. You’re a health policy expert. We want to talk a lot about health care. But first of all we’ve got to talk about the extraordinary night that was Tuesday evening. Can I get your reaction to the election? Did you have any sense that this might happen?

David Himmelstein, M.D.: Well, we were worried that it might happen after Brexit and other events elsewhere. And frankly Trump’s performance in the primaries gave some clue that the polls might be off. So I didn’t expect it, but I was worried that it might happen.

RL: If you just put the news on – I was listening to CNN this morning in my hotel room – one of the first things that people are talking about, post-election, is what is Trump going to do. And one of the first things you hear mentioned is he’s going to do what he said he’s pledged to do, which is to repeal and replace Obamacare. So before we get some of the nitty-gritty of what that might mean – as a health policy expert, and you’ve been working in this field for many, many years – you must feel despondent.

DH: Well, we’ve made some progress. Surely the Affordable Care Act, or Obamacare, fell short of what we might have hoped for, but to simply roll it back, which is really the only idea that we’ve heard from Trump thus far – he says he’s going to replace it, but we have no sense of what he’s going to replace it with – rolling it back will be a health policy and public health disaster, I fear.

RL: Before the election, I tuned into a Republican rally at which Trump was speaking, but the person who did most of the talking was Mike Pence, who’s obviously going to be vice president with him. And at this Republican rally – this was on November 1st, which was the first day of the latest enrollment session for the Affordable Care Act for the insurance markets – each Republican, but particularly Mike Pence, was very, very strong that Obamacare was something that was wrong in their eyes and they wanted to return to what Mike Pence referred to as “the good old American way of doing things.” In other words, for health care, letting the private market take it out. Is that really what is going to happen? Because just the legal framework of creating the Affordable Care Act, which of course underpins Obamacare – to undo that would be a massive operation. Surely, whatever they come up with, Republicans next year, they are going to have to retain some elements of the Affordable Care Act, aren’t they?

DH: Well, they’ve said they’ll retain a few of the peripheral aspects of the Affordable Care Act, but its essence, we see, hear and think, they plan to simply do away with. That would throw about 20 million people out of insurance that they’ve newly acquired since the Affordable Care Act. We should say that even after the Affordable Care Act about 29 million people remain uninsured in the U.S. So adding 20 million to that would bring us back to the 49 million or so that were uninsured before the Affordable Care Act was passed. And that’s, I would say, unacceptable. But apparently Mr. Trump and Mr. Pence are prepared to accept it.

RL: So do you actually think – I mean this is this is a key question in the news media this morning, and we do appreciate it’s only just over 24 hours since we’ve had the election resolved – is your expectation that the 20 million people who are brought into insurance through Obamacare are going to lose their rights? They’re actually going to reverse that, rather than say, “OK, well you guys have got it, but we’ll make changes for any future changes to the insurance markets.”

DH: Well, we don’t really know, but I fear that that is what they have in mind. Much of the additional coverage was from an expansion of the Medicaid program, which is the program that’s administered by our state governments for very poor people. And the federal government under Obamacare had given very large additional funds to the state governments to expand the coverage of the Medicaid program, and not to just very poor people, but to people with incomes up to 133 percent of the poverty line. That brought in some 10 or 12 million additional people. We don’t know yet what they’re going to do, but their promise is that they’re going to roll back the Medicaid expansion. Now some of the Republicans have said in the past that what they want to do is just give a block of money to the state governments and let them do what they like with it.  They could use it for Medicaid, or spend it on other things. So some states may continue the coverage expansion under the Obamacare plan. Others in fact have refused it up till now. And still others are likely to roll it back.

RL: One of the biggest problems with the implementation of the Affordable Care Act, as far as I could see as a non-American from outside, was the way it was implemented that led to some terribly bumpy things along the way, didn’t it? Just the launch of the insurance market was a disaster, with the internet systems not working. But more importantly, over and above that, and this was the political fuel that the Republicans were almost rubbing their hands with glee with at the rally in Philadelphia last week, were the rising prices of premiums, because the insurance companies couldn’t get enough people to enroll in the program. So even though the Affordable Care Act had very laudable aims to extend its reach, and it did to 20 million people, its implementation has been deeply flawed, hasn’t it?

DH: The program was deeply flawed from the outset. It was enormously complex, and really represented a compromise that was pushed by the insurance industry. Most of the additional coverage was purchased through private insurance plans and increased the revenues given to private insurers. The structure of the program, in order to try and make it work, was tremendously complex, and that’s what really created the disorder in its startup, because trying to enroll people in hundreds of different plans around the country, each with differing offers of coverage, and deductibles – the amount that one must pay before the insurance kicks in – varied from plan to plan, as did the level of co-payments (how much you pay in addition to the insurance at each visit).  Those things varied from plan to plan, so there was tremendous complexity really baked into the program. It’s quite striking in contrast to our Medicare program which is the single-payer program for the elderly. That federal government program, which started up some 10 months after its passage by the Congress back in the 1960s before we even had any computers, enrolled 99 percent of all eligible people within that 10-month window without any notable glitches or confusion. So it’s quite clear that the structure of Obamacare was deeply flawed from the outset. And, as you say, the prices of the insurance rose quite steeply because they relied largely on market forces. I think I’m not alone in saying that the market doesn’t actually work in health care and we know that the U.S., which has the most market-oriented of health care systems, has by far the highest cost of our health care system, and it is no surprise that costs rose partly because sicker people were the ones who took up the offer of the new coverage, and they’re the most expensive people.

RL: Are there any elements of Obamacare that could be retained? I have heard mention that not refusing insurance to people with pre-existing conditions. This was a really key tenet of Obamacare. I have heard that that’s going to be retained with whatever the new Republican health plan is, and of course we don’t have what it is yet.

DH: Yes, you’re right. But they’ve said they won’t fully retain the provision that one can’t be refused coverage no matter what pre-existing health conditions you have. What they’ve said is, as long as you maintain health insurance without interruption you would not be able to be refused a renewal of your health insurance coverage. Now that’s a considerable departure, in fact, because a lot of people have very temporary interruptions of their health insurance – if they’re traveling overseas or studying elsewhere or, in the case of one of my children, actually, there was a one-day interruption when she became too old to be covered under my policy, and her new policy through her university had yet to start up. So that kind of interruption would exempt the insurance companies from having to issue coverage no matter what your health.

RL: And given your role for many years – your advocacy work, looking at a single-payer system which if I know your views, I think, is based on the Canadian system, isn’t it – any discussion now about universal health coverage within this new American system political system that we will have from the beginning of next year, talk of things like a public option and universal health coverage. Are these discussions now dead in the water?

DH: We have yet to really see. Certainly among people in the health care field, they’re not dead because we see the problems each day of a health care system which has both large numbers of people uninsured and growing numbers who have coverage but still can’t afford care. The New York Times featured an article some months ago about many people who’ve gotten Obamacare coverage but couldn’t afford to use it because it carried such high deductibles, often $5,000 before your insurance began to pay for anything. We have in fact a crisis of not just uninsured Americans but insured Americans who can’t afford care. And that crisis is not going to go away, in fact it’s likely to get worse under a Trump administration. So I doubt that that discussion will long be squelched about what to do about our health care system. Oddly enough, at one point in the past, Mr. Trump himself suggested that a single-payer reform might be a useful thing. He later went back on that, as he’s gone back on many of the things that he said. We’re not sure what direction debate will take, but we’re quite sure that debate about the need – really urgent need – for reform will continue. And frankly, surveys show quite an oddity in opinion in the U.S. Among Republicans the vast majority favored repeal of Obamacare. But some two-fifths favor implementation of a single-payer program. So that sentiment for single payer is quite widely shared across the spectrum. It’s about 75 percent of Democrats and 40 percent of Republicans. But overall the vast majority of the American people would want that kind of reform. We’ll see if Washington can be shaken up enough to really give it serious consideration. In the meantime, people in many states around the country are moving forward to think about what can be done at an individual state level to improve the health care system. In New York State, where I now live, one branch of our legislature actually passed a single-payer reform proposal last year, though the other branch demurred.

RL: That’s fascinating – that notion – a slight tautology, isn’t it? Irony about the support in many quarters for a single-payer system. Would that therefore logically be just an extension of Medicaid?

DH: More likely an extension of our Medicare program, which is frankly a much more successful program than Medicaid. Medicare is a program for all of the elderly and, as with any universal programs, they tend to be better maintained than programs that segregate the poor into a separate class of care.

RL: Final question, David. We don’t yet know who’s going to be the cabinet minister for health and human services. Do you have any idea who that might be and, even if you don’t, what role is there for advocacy organizations, experts like yourself, to potentially influence the direction of health policy by the Department of Health and Human Services?

DH: We have no sense yet of whom Trump will choose for Health and Human Services secretary. But surely there will be intense advocacy efforts in the in the months ahead. We know from past research that something like a thousand people die each year for every million people who are uninsured. So uninsurance remains one of our major causes of death. And if they do indeed throw 20 million people out of coverage, we expect about 20,000 additional deaths each year. That is a public health emergency that we can scarcely ignore. And I think advocates at all levels will surely join joint efforts in a very vigorous way to try and move our health care system forward. We at this point may not be able to move back to the ACA, but we’re hopeful that we could move forward to something even better. I mean we’ve already seen on the streets of cities around the country the deep concerns of Americans who didn’t vote for Trump. And frankly among the many people who did vote for Trump, we’re likely to see very grave concerns arise as the reality of a Trump administration emerges. We know that among white middle-aged people of lower income, who were largely Trump voters, their death rates are rising in this country and many of them can’t get the care they need. We know that medical bankruptcy is extraordinarily common among people with insurance, and those problems are likely to get worse, not better. And I think that provides a very strong basis for advocacy for change. We may see a few months of hiatus in real debate, but it will emerge again.

RL: Well it’s a fascinating discussion, David. I’m very grateful for your time so soon after the election result. Dr. David Himmelstein, many thanks for talking to The Lancet.

DH: Thank you.

Audio (MP3) file:
http://www.thelancet.com/audio/us-election-reaction

Arthur Caplan: Bioethics Faces a Rocky but Navigable Road

Bioethics Faces a Rocky but Navigable Road

By Arthur Caplan
Bioethics Today, November 9, 2016

Academic bioethics has never been popular with Republicans. Libertarians dislike academic bioethics because it seems too elitist and anti-free market. Religious thinkers worry it is technocratic, soulless and crassly utilitarian. Now with Trumpism add a populist disdain for expertise, experts and the scientific method and you have a stew that means few of you reading this will find a rapt audience in Washington for many years to come.

Trump needs to appease the paleocons and religious right to get things done. This makes it likely that bioethics will be swept back into the culture wars of the Bush era — Abortion. Contraception. Sexuality. Embryo research. Gene engineering. Enhancement issues. Chimera formation. Gender reassignment. All are back on the table.

Existing oversight of human research—FDA, OHRP, etc., will be strongly challenged as too restrictive and inimical to autonomy. “Conscience” will be very much in vogue. The vaccine wars will heat up in terms of mandates and choice. Individual rights will dominate arguments favoring the public good. Public health ethics will become hugely contentious.

Trump and a GOP congress mean the end of the ACA. Academic bioethics will be more ‘oppositional’, more concerned for the vulnerable while being accused of being both elitist and overtly partisan.

In policy there will be more disrespect in government for science, ‘facts’ and scientific expertise. Worries about COI will wane.

This means a rejection of scientific consensus about climate, vaccines, evolution. The need for clinical trials to gain access to drugs or devices will be challenged — hard. The role of pollution in spoiling health will be disputed and since bioethics is not tightly connected to environmental ethics it had better rethink that gap. Scientific findings about race, ethnicity, homosexuality and gender are all likely to carry less weight. Conservative ideology and religion will be heard loudly; scientists less so. Dr. Oz will flourish. Alternative medicine will gain in influence.

A Trump presidency means the American economy will be less stable with a smaller tax base so government funding for biomedicine will slow. Government funding for bioethics will shrink even further.

Attracting the best and brightest from the world to a nation with a regime seen as hostile to scientific expertise and to diversity will be harder. Oddly, business may be a greater friend to bioethics than government.

I see tougher times for a scientifically grounded public policy in the USA. Respect for empirical methods and evidence will further slide and weaken. The notion that facts ought guide policy is now just a point of view, not a moral presumption.

Since Trump is a triumph of, like it or not, a set of values, bioethics is in for some self-assessment and tough hand-to-hand combat. If we are to endure then there is no room for elitism, snobbery, pretense or moral superiority in our future.

http://www.bioethics.net…

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Comment:

By Don McCanne, M.D.

Perhaps most astonishing in the political division that separates our nation is that bioethics is not immune to this polarization. You would think that fundamental moral issues of right and wrong would be above it all, but, sadly, that is not the case. Arthur Caplan provides us with a perspective of the rocky road ahead.