By Arnold S. Relman
The American Prospect, Jan-Feb/2012

Most people assume that insurance is an essential part of the health-care system. Some think it should be provided through public programs like Medicare, while others prefer to see it purchased from private insurance companies, but the majority believe that insurance is needed to help pay the unpredictable and often catastrophic expenses of medical care. That is why so much public policy focuses on extending coverage to as many people as possible and controlling its cost. I think this emphasis on insurance is mistaken. We would have a much better and more affordable health-care system if the reimbursement of medical expenses through public or private insurance plans was replaced by a tax-supported universal access to comprehensive care, without bills for specific services and without insurance plans to pay those bills.

Insurance is not simply a mechanism for spreading financial risks and paying for medical care. Because it usually tries to limit payments to providers, insurance often is an intrusive third party in the doctor-patient relationship and, particularly with private insurance, restricts the freedom of doctors and patients to select the services, specialists, and facilities they want to use.

Furthermore, all insurance plans have administrative expenses, and most private plans take profits that add to the cost of their premiums. The billing and collecting operations that are an integral part of any insured health system are a major expense for doctors and hospitals as well.

For-profit insurance companies, which control most of the private market, are the greatest problem. They have a direct conflict of interest with their customers, because a plan’s net income is increased by avoiding coverage of patients with serious illness (who, of course, are most in need of insurance), restricting access to services, and limiting coverage of expensive medical services.

There is, however, a practical alternative to health insurance and the fee-for-service system with which it is usually associated: a not-for-profit system in which a public single payer provides universal access to comprehensive private care delivered by primary-care physicians cooperating with medical specialists in group-practice arrangements.

I do not underestimate the complexity of the changes I am proposing. The odds against it are daunting. Congress might not even begin to debate major reform until the health system is near collapse. But what seems clear is that the best – possibly the only – hope for achieving universal, affordable care lies in the eventual elimination of private insurance and fee-for-service payment and in the creation of a tax-supported system based on group practice. Although this proposal makes good medical, social, and economic sense, its ultimate fate will be decided in the political arena. It cannot become a reality without an informed and aroused public bolstered by the medical profession’s strong support for the reform.

(Arnold S. Relman is a professor emeritus of medicine and social medicine at Harvard Medical School and the former editor of The New England Journal of Medicine.)

http://prospect.org/ (As of Jan. 3, Jan-Feb/2012 issue not yet posted online)

Comment: 

By Don McCanne, MD

It seems appropriate to begin the new year with the words of the venerable Arnold Relman. Much media attention on reform will be misdirected this year to implementation of the private-insurance-based Affordable Care Act and to its challenge in the U.S. Supreme Court. Dr. Relman reminds us that instead we need to move forward with informing and arousing the public in support of fundamental reform that actually would bring affordable care to all.

In Dire Health

By Arnold S. Relman
The American Prospect, Jan-Feb/2012
Most people assume that insurance is an essential part of the health-care system. Some think it should be provided through public programs like Medicare, while others prefer to see it purchased from private insurance companies, but the majority believe that insurance is needed to help pay the unpredictable and often catastrophic expenses of medical care. That is why so much public policy focuses on extending coverage to as many people as possible and controlling its cost. I think this emphasis on insurance is mistaken. We would have a much better and more affordable health-care system if the reimbursement of medical expenses through public or private insurance plans was replaced by a tax-supported universal access to comprehensive care, without bills for specific services and without insurance plans to pay those bills.
Insurance is not simply a mechanism for spreading financial risks and paying for medical care. Because it usually tries to limit payments to providers, insurance often is an intrusive third party in the doctor-patient relationship and, particularly with private insurance, restricts the freedom of doctors and patients to select the services, specialists, and facilities they want to use.
Furthermore, all insurance plans have administrative expenses, and most private plans take profits that add to the cost of their premiums. The billing and collecting operations that are an integral part of any insured health system are a major expense for doctors and hospitals as well.
For-profit insurance companies, which control most of the private market, are the greatest problem. They have a direct conflict of interest with their customers, because a plan’s net income is increased by avoiding coverage of patients with serious illness (who, of course, are most in need of insurance), restricting access to services, and limiting coverage of expensive medical services.
There is, however, a practical alternative to health insurance and the fee-for-service system with which it is usually associated: a not-for-profit system in which a public single payer provides universal access to comprehensive private care delivered by primary-care physicians cooperating with medical specialists in group-practice arrangements.
I do not underestimate the complexity of the changes I am proposing. The odds against it are daunting. Congress might not even begin to debate major reform until the health system is near collapse. But what seems clear is that the best – possibly the only – hope for achieving universal, affordable care lies in the eventual elimination of private insurance and fee-for-service payment and in the creation of a tax-supported system based on group practice. Although this proposal makes good medical, social, and economic sense, its ultimate fate will be decided in the political arena. It cannot become a reality without an informed and aroused public bolstered by the medical profession’s strong support for the reform.
(Arnold S. Relman is a professor emeritus of medicine and social medicine at Harvard Medical School and the former editor of The New England Journal of Medicine.)
http://prospect.org/ (As of Jan. 3, Jan-Feb/2012 issue not yet posted online)

It seems appropriate to begin the new year with the words of the venerable Arnold Relman. Much media attention on reform will be misdirected this year to implementation of the private-insurance-based Affordable Care Act and to its challenge in the U.S. Supreme Court. Dr. Relman reminds us that instead we need to move forward with informing and arousing the public in support of fundamental reform that actually would bring affordable care to all.

By Tom Wilemon
The Tennessean, December 27, 2011

Corporate employers, small businesses and nonprofit organizations are increasingly requiring their workers to spend between $1,200 and $5,000 before filing a health insurance claim.

Nearly three in four employers will offer at least one of these plans next year, according to a survey by the National Business Group on Health, a nonprofit association that represents large employers.

Helen Darling, its president, predicts that by 2016 the majority of all health plans will have high deductibles.

http://www.tennessean.com/article/20111227/NEWS07/312270017/High-deductible-health-plans-rise

Comment: 

By Don McCanne, MD

The National Business Group on Health (NBGH) is composed of the nation’s largest employers, predominantly Fortune 500 companies. They provide health coverage for over 50 million workers, retirees and their families. When NBGH’s president, Helen Darling, says that three years from now the majority of all plans will have high deductibles, you can bank on it.

Although this development is independent of the measures in the Affordable Care Act (ACA), it has greater consequences than any other feature of ACA, merely based on the number of people who will be impacted – not just the Fortune 500 company employees, but virtually everyone else as well.

Most workers and their families obtain their health care coverage through their employment. With large employers leading the way, high deductible plans will become the national standard. For median-income households, the deductible is large enough to create a financial hardship should a family member have significant health care needs. Thus, under-insurance is becoming the new norm, not only for employer-sponsored plans, but also for the low actuarial value plans to be offered through the state insurance exchanges.

The rationale usually given for high deductibles is to make patients more sensitive to the costs of health care so that they will use less of it. This has been shown not only to decrease the use of beneficial health care services, but it also potentially exposes people to financial hardship when they develop problems for which health care is absolutely essential.

So the question is, does this really save enough money to warrant these adverse consequences? Let’s look at the RAND HIE and also the experiences of other nations.

The RAND Health Insurance Experiment demonstrated that health care use was reduced by 30 percent in patients with cost sharing as compared to first dollar coverage, supposedly without resulting in harm (though low-income people were harmed). But that study was limited to healthy workers and their young healthy families during a few healthy years of their lives. It does not apply to the relatively unhealthy 20 percent of people who use 80 percent of our health care dollars – care that is not influenced by deductibles. Reducing spending by 30 percent on healthy people who use very little care – perhaps an office visit or two – is not going to reduce our national health expenditures significantly.

Many other nations have first dollar coverage with no deductibles, yet spend far less than we do, and with no evidence of significant overuse of medical services. There are far more effective and much more patient-friendly methods of controlling spending than the use of deductibles and other cost sharing, as these nations have demonstrated.

The Affordable Care Act is not providing us the framework that would ensure affordable care for everyone. Trying to modify the Act to make it work better won’t help because the financing infrastructure is so fundamentally flawed that legislative tweaking cannot repair it. Though getting rid of deductibles would be an improvement, it wouldn’t reduce our high costs, but would merely shift them, making insurance premiums even less affordable.

For this new year, we really have our work cut out for us. The public at large needs to understand the irreparable flaws in the ACA model of reform. People need to know that we can control spending while making health care accessible and affordable for everyone. We can do this by enacting a far better way to finance health care – a single payer national health program: an improved Medicare for all.

High-deductible health plans on rise

By Tom Wilemon
The Tennessean, December 27, 2011

Corporate employers, small businesses and nonprofit organizations are increasingly requiring their workers to spend between $1,200 and $5,000 before filing a health insurance claim.

Nearly three in four employers will offer at least one of these plans next year, according to a survey by the National Business Group on Health, a nonprofit association that represents large employers.

Helen Darling, its president, predicts that by 2016 the majority of all health plans will have high deductibles.

http://www.tennessean.com/article/20111227/NEWS07/312270017/High-deductible-health-plans-rise

The National Business Group on Health (NBGH) is composed of the nation’s largest employers, predominantly Fortune 500 companies. They provide health coverage for over 50 million workers, retirees and their families. When NBGH’s president, Helen Darling, says that three years from now the majority of all plans will have high deductibles, you can bank on it.

Although this development is independent of the measures in the Affordable Care Act (ACA), it has greater consequences than any other feature of ACA, merely based on the number of people who will be impacted – not just the Fortune 500 company employees, but virtually everyone else as well.

Most workers and their families obtain their health care coverage through their employment. With large employers leading the way, high deductible plans will become the national standard. For median-income households, the deductible is large enough to create a financial hardship should a family member have significant health care needs. Thus, under-insurance is becoming the new norm, not only for employer-sponsored plans, but also for the low actuarial value plans to be offered through the state insurance exchanges.

The rationale usually given for high deductibles is to make patients more sensitive to the costs of health care so that they will use less of it. This has been shown not only to decrease the use of beneficial health care services, but it also potentially exposes people to financial hardship when they develop problems for which health care is absolutely essential.

So the question is, does this really save enough money to warrant these adverse consequences? Let’s look at the RAND HIE and also the experiences of other nations.

The RAND Health Insurance Experiment demonstrated that health care use was reduced by 30 percent in patients with cost sharing as compared to first dollar coverage, supposedly without resulting in harm (though low-income people were harmed). But that study was limited to healthy workers and their young healthy families during a few healthy years of their lives. It does not apply to the relatively unhealthy 20 percent of people who use 80 percent of our health care dollars – care that is not influenced by deductibles. Reducing spending by 30 percent on healthy people who use very little care – perhaps an office visit or two – is not going to reduce our national health expenditures significantly.

Many other nations have first dollar coverage with no deductibles, yet spend far less than we do, and with no evidence of significant overuse of medical services. There are far more effective and much more patient-friendly methods of controlling spending than the use of deductibles and other cost sharing, as these nations have demonstrated.

The Affordable Care Act is not providing us the framework that would ensure affordable care for everyone. Trying to modify the Act to make it work better won’t help because the financing infrastructure is so fundamentally flawed that legislative tweaking cannot repair it. Though getting rid of deductibles would be an improvement, it wouldn’t reduce our high costs, but would merely shift them, making insurance premiums even less affordable.

For this new year, we really have our work cut out for us. The public at large needs to understand the irreparable flaws in the ACA model of reform. People need to know that we can control spending while making health care accessible and affordable for everyone. We can do this by enacting a far better way to finance health care – a single payer national health program: an improved Medicare for all.

Medical Bill Problems Steady for U.S. Families, 2007-2010

By Anna Sommers, Peter J. Cunningham
Center for Studying Health System Change, December 2011

While problems paying medical bills stabilized in recent years, the proportion of Americans in families with medical bill problems remained significantly higher in 2010 compared with 2003 – 20.9 percent vs. 15.1 percent. And, in 2010, many people in families with problems paying medical bills continued to experience severe financial consequences, with about two-thirds reporting problems paying for other necessities and a quarter considering bankruptcy.

Underscoring uninsured people’s lack of financial protection from health care expenses, uninsured children and working-age adults in 2010 were more likely to have medical bill problems (31.5%) than their insured counterparts (20.2%).

http://www.hschange.org/CONTENT/1268/

Although the uninsured would be expected to have problems paying medical bills, we should be very concerned that one-fifth of insured individuals under age 65 also face significant medical debt.

Most of these individuals are insured through their work. Since the state insurance exchange subsidies for purchase of insurance and for out-of-pocket expenses will not apply to employer-sponsored plans, it can be anticipated that the Affordable Care Act will not reduce medical bill problems for a majority of our workforce.

When we know that the Affordable Care Act will fall far short of what we need to ensure financial security in the face of medical need, why aren’t we as a nation busy with efforts to enact a program that actually would work?

By Robert Kuttner
The American Prospect, November 7, 2011

The New York hotel workers’ plan provides comprehensive coverage at its own health centers, including full dental and optical care, with no deductibles or co-pays and a core philosophy that emphasizes primary care, wellness, and prevention.

In the office of Dr. Robert Greenspan, who has headed the plan for 12 years, hangs the official charter signed by New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey in 1949 authorizing Local 6 to operate the nation’s first medical practice run by a union.

The plan may well be the best in the nation at providing so much coverage while effectively constraining costs. All doctors are salaried, with general practitioners being paid slightly more than specialists, in order to reward primary care.

From a small clinic on Manhattan’s West Side, the plan has grown into five comprehensive health centers, serving approximately 88,000 hotel workers, their family members, and union retirees. Even those who’ve been laid off keep their health coverage. The plan boasts New York’s highest rate of patient satisfaction.

The plan’s sole out-of-pocket charge is for drugs. While ordinary prescriptions require a modest co-pay of $5 or $15 for non-generics, the charge is eliminated for patients on long-term treatments, such as for high blood pressure. “Bob [Greenspan] experimented with free drugs for patients who are chronically ill,” says union president Peter Ward. “He found that this dramatically reduced visits to the ER; there were fewer catastrophic events. So now, we waive all co-pays for patients on long-term drug therapy.”

“The difference isn’t just financial – it’s philosophical,” Greenspan says. “We want you to come in. We want unlimited access to primary care. It pays off over the long term. All of the co-pays and deductibles do the opposite of what is claimed. They don’t assure that scarce medical resources are used as efficiently as possible or deter excessive use. They are simply barriers to care. People say, ‘Maybe it will clear up by itself, so I won’t see the doctor,’ or ‘I’ll stretch out the medicine supply by taking less than the prescribed dose.’ All you are doing is inducing people not to be compliant with the medical program. Then you wonder why costs keep going up – it’s because people get sicker, and their eventual treatment is more expensive. We do just the opposite.”

Last year, the hotel workers’ health plan cost $411.24 a month for an individual and $1,027.56 for an average family. By comparison, Healthfirst, the cheapest HMO in New York City, cost roughly three times as much – $1,116 a month for an individual and $3,316 for a family – while it excluded many services offered by the union such as dental and optical care and piled on deductibles and co-pays. Factoring in benefits not provided by other plans, the typical commercial insurance package costs about four times as much as the hotel workers’ plan.

So why is the plan virtually unknown in the health-policy debate? For one thing, the union has emphasized publicizing the plan among New York hotel workers, and Greenspan has focused on improving care for members, not crusading for national reform.

Except for single-payer advocates, reformers have pursued cost-effective care within the context of an insurance-dominated system – something of a fool’s errand – whereas the hotel workers’ plan begins by dispensing with third-party insurers. To review all the ways that the hotel workers’ plan delivers better care more cost-effectively is to appreciate the vast inefficiency in the rest of America’s health system – and to see that cost-containment gurus are mostly looking in the wrong places for efficiencies.

For starters, by dispensing with insurance-company middlemen, the plan eliminates a whole layer of costs. A doctor treats the patient according to his or her best medical judgment. There is no army of staffers dealing with patient billing, claims, and insurance reimbursement; no arguing with insurance-company case reviewers.

Second, doctors are all on salary. So there is no incentive to undertreat or overtreat.

Further, the plan’s core principle is unlimited access to primary care, with all of the prevention and early-detection benefits that approach brings. In most systems, specialists drive costs. “We don’t waste specialists on routine cases,” Greenspan says. “We do want specialists to see appropriate cases, which is both more cost effective and more professionally challenging to the physician.”

The union, which knows something about negotiating, engages in hard bargaining with all of its vendors, from drug manufacturers to hospitals, and is relentless about eliminating middlemen. Most conventional health plans use “pharmacy benefit managers” who negotiate with drug companies on the plan’s behalf and, of course, take a cut for themselves. The union negotiates directly. It also dispenses with cadres of consultants, from human-resource departments to utilization reviewers and behavioral-health companies, all of which add costs under the guise of shaving costs.

In New York, some medical specialists in high demand have market power to raise prices. “Have you heard the term, RAPER?” Greenspan asks. “It stands for Radiologists, Anesthesiologists, Pathologists, and ER doctors.” Most New York hospitals now contract out these services to specialists’ groups who charge whatever the market will bear. In recent bargaining with one of its hospitals over a proposed rate increase, the hotel workers were told that the increase partly reflected higher charges billed by anesthesiologists. Greenspan requested the hospital to push back. Not our problem, the hospital contended; we don’t control these costs. “We told them, OK, next week our members stop using your hospital,” Greenspan says. The costs came down.

At some point, the public must realize that the choice is drastic reform or drastic cuts. More than any other in America, the hotel workers’ plan points the way to an efficient and humane system of health care.

http://prospect.org/article/model-health

Comment:

By Don McCanne, MD

New York’s Local 6 has achieved many of the goals of single payer reform by working from the bottom up. They are providing very comprehensive health care services at only about one-third of the costs of other New York plans, and with the highest patient satisfaction ratings.

The key is that they have been able to to create a health care delivery infrastructure dedicated to optimal patient care that is removed from our current dysfunctional system dominated by insurer middlemen. This was all about patients, not insurers.

One important example of the difference is that they recognized that co-pays and deductibles were barriers to care. As Dr. Greenspan says, “They do the opposite of what is claimed.” People should have unlimited access to primary care. To show how wrong the policy community is in their support of cost sharing, Dr. Greenspan’s group has eliminated these barriers, yet their costs are far less than New York’s least expensive HMO. You do not need deductibles and co-pays to control health care spending.

Although this was a bottom up success, it is improbable that it could be used as an insurance model for the rest of the nation. Their success was dependent on the unique efforts of a local union. Also their members have no coverage outside of their system. Our health care delivery systems and our health care financing systems are too fragmented to permit the creation of a nation of Local 6-type institutions, especially when the solidarity characteristic of unions is lacking in most other environments.

Although a top down approach contrasts sharply with what Local 6 has done, nevertheless, a well designed single payer model can accompli
sh the same results, with the added benefit of ensuring patient choice of their health care professionals and institutions. But we’ll have to get the private insurers out of the way. They would never accept a system with so little money in it.

A Model of Health

By Robert Kuttner
The American Prospect, November 7, 2011

The New York hotel workers’ plan provides comprehensive coverage at its own health centers, including full dental and optical care, with no deductibles or co-pays and a core philosophy that emphasizes primary care, wellness, and prevention.

In the office of Dr. Robert Greenspan, who has headed the plan for 12 years, hangs the official charter signed by New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey in 1949 authorizing Local 6 to operate the nation’s first medical practice run by a union.

The plan may well be the best in the nation at providing so much coverage while effectively constraining costs. All doctors are salaried, with general practitioners being paid slightly more than specialists, in order to reward primary care.

From a small clinic on Manhattan’s West Side, the plan has grown into five comprehensive health centers, serving approximately 88,000 hotel workers, their family members, and union retirees. Even those who’ve been laid off keep their health coverage. The plan boasts New York’s highest rate of patient satisfaction.

The plan’s sole out-of-pocket charge is for drugs. While ordinary prescriptions require a modest co-pay of $5 or $15 for non-generics, the charge is eliminated for patients on long-term treatments, such as for high blood pressure. “Bob [Greenspan] experimented with free drugs for patients who are chronically ill,” says union president Peter Ward. “He found that this dramatically reduced visits to the ER; there were fewer catastrophic events. So now, we waive all co-pays for patients on long-term drug therapy.”

“The difference isn’t just financial – it’s philosophical,” Greenspan says. “We want you to come in. We want unlimited access to primary care. It pays off over the long term. All of the co-pays and deductibles do the opposite of what is claimed. They don’t assure that scarce medical resources are used as efficiently as possible or deter excessive use. They are simply barriers to care. People say, ‘Maybe it will clear up by itself, so I won’t see the doctor,’ or ‘I’ll stretch out the medicine supply by taking less than the prescribed dose.’ All you are doing is inducing people not to be compliant with the medical program. Then you wonder why costs keep going up – it’s because people get sicker, and their eventual treatment is more expensive. We do just the opposite.”

Last year, the hotel workers’ health plan cost $411.24 a month for an individual and $1,027.56 for an average family. By comparison, Healthfirst, the cheapest HMO in New York City, cost roughly three times as much – $1,116 a month for an individual and $3,316 for a family – while it excluded many services offered by the union such as dental and optical care and piled on deductibles and co-pays. Factoring in benefits not provided by other plans, the typical commercial insurance package costs about four times as much as the hotel workers’ plan.

So why is the plan virtually unknown in the health-policy debate? For one thing, the union has emphasized publicizing the plan among New York hotel workers, and Greenspan has focused on improving care for members, not crusading for national reform.

Except for single-payer advocates, reformers have pursued cost-effective care within the context of an insurance-dominated system – something of a fool’s errand – whereas the hotel workers’ plan begins by dispensing with third-party insurers. To review all the ways that the hotel workers’ plan delivers better care more cost-effectively is to appreciate the vast inefficiency in the rest of America’s health system – and to see that cost-containment gurus are mostly looking in the wrong places for efficiencies.

For starters, by dispensing with insurance-company middlemen, the plan eliminates a whole layer of costs. A doctor treats the patient according to his or her best medical judgment. There is no army of staffers dealing with patient billing, claims, and insurance reimbursement; no arguing with insurance-company case reviewers.

Second, doctors are all on salary. So there is no incentive to undertreat or overtreat.

Further, the plan’s core principle is unlimited access to primary care, with all of the prevention and early-detection benefits that approach brings. In most systems, specialists drive costs. “We don’t waste specialists on routine cases,” Greenspan says. “We do want specialists to see appropriate cases, which is both more cost effective and more professionally challenging to the physician.”

The union, which knows something about negotiating, engages in hard bargaining with all of its vendors, from drug manufacturers to hospitals, and is relentless about eliminating middlemen. Most conventional health plans use “pharmacy benefit managers” who negotiate with drug companies on the plan’s behalf and, of course, take a cut for themselves. The union negotiates directly. It also dispenses with cadres of consultants, from human-resource departments to utilization reviewers and behavioral-health companies, all of which add costs under the guise of shaving costs.

In New York, some medical specialists in high demand have market power to raise prices. “Have you heard the term, RAPER?” Greenspan asks. “It stands for Radiologists, Anesthesiologists, Pathologists, and ER doctors.” Most New York hospitals now contract out these services to specialists’ groups who charge whatever the market will bear. In recent bargaining with one of its hospitals over a proposed rate increase, the hotel workers were told that the increase partly reflected higher charges billed by anesthesiologists. Greenspan requested the hospital to push back. Not our problem, the hospital contended; we don’t control these costs. “We told them, OK, next week our members stop using your hospital,” Greenspan says. The costs came down.

At some point, the public must realize that the choice is drastic reform or drastic cuts. More than any other in America, the hotel workers’ plan points the way to an efficient and humane system of health care.

http://prospect.org/article/model-health

New York’s Local 6 has achieved many of the goals of single payer reform by working from the bottom up. They are providing very comprehensive health care services at only about one-third of the costs of other New York plans, and with the highest patient satisfaction ratings.

The key is that they have been able to to create a health care delivery infrastructure dedicated to optimal patient care that is removed from our current dysfunctional system dominated by insurer middlemen. This was all about patients, not insurers.

One important example of the difference is that they recognized that co-pays and deductibles were barriers to care. As Dr. Greenspan says, “They do the opposite of what is claimed.” People should have unlimited access to primary care. To show how wrong the policy community is in their support of cost sharing, Dr. Greenspan’s group has eliminated these barriers, yet their costs are far less than New York’s least expensive HMO. You do not need deductibles and co-pays to control health care spending.

Although this was a bottom up success, it is improbable that it could be used as an insurance model for the rest of the nation. Their success was dependent on the unique efforts of a local union. Also their members have no coverage outside of their system. Our health care delivery systems and our health care financing systems are too fragmented to permit the creation of a nation of Local 6-type institutions, especially when the solidarity characteristic of unions is lacking in most other environments.

Although a top down approach contrasts sharply with what Local 6 has done, nevertheless, a well designed single payer model can accomplish the same results, with the added benefit of ensuring patient choice of their health care professionals and institutions. But we’ll have to get the private insurers out of the way. They would never accept a system with so little money in it.