Trends In Underinsurance And The Affordability Of Employer Coverage, 2004-2007
Employer coverage helps, but it does not shield workers from health care costs deemed “unaffordable” as a percentage of their incomes.
by Jon R. Gabel, Roland McDevitt, Ryan Lore, Jeremy Pickreign, Heidi Whitmore, and Tina Ding
Health Affairs
June 2, 2009
Based on simulated bill paying, this paper examines trends in comprehensiveness of coverage, out-of-pocket spending for medical services, underinsurance, and the affordability of employer-based insurance from 2004 to 2007. Data are from MarketScan medical claims and an annual survey of employer health benefits. Health plans covered slightly fewer expenses in 2007 than in 2004, but out-of-pocket spending grew more than one-third because of growth in overall health spending. For people at 200 percent of poverty, the percentage spending more than 10 percent of their income out of pocket on premiums plus services increased from 13 percent to 18 percent.
In the United States, if you are sick and earn a modest income, then you are probably underinsured – even if you have employer-based health coverage. In 2007, among people at 200 percent of poverty ($41,300 for a family of four in 2007) who were among the top 25 percent of spenders on health care services, 71 percent were underinsured.
http://content.healthaffairs.org/cgi/content/abstract/hlthaff.28.4.w595v1
And…
Cost Sharing In Medicaid And CHIP: How Does It Affect Out-Of-Pocket Spending?
by Thomas M. Selden, Genevieve M. Kenney, Matthew S. Pantell, and Joel Ruhter
Health Affairs
June 2, 2009
Rapidly rising spending has prompted debate about increasing cost sharing in Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP). In this paper we assess the role of cost sharing in Medicaid and the CHIP and its potential financial burden on low-income families with children. We find that many families would face high health spending burdens even with minimal cost sharing for their publicly insured children. Adding even modest cost sharing for such children could greatly increase high financial burdens.
Our survey of state policies reveals that a growing number of states are using cost sharing in the form of premiums or copayments, or both, for services in their public coverage programs for children. Premiums and copayments vary greatly across states and generally increase with family income level. Most states have provisions that specify caps on family spending – generally at 5 percent of family income – and premiums are capped in most states for families with more than three children. Yet our analysis of state policies suggests that systems to track family spending and to ensure free access once caps have been reached are generally not well developed.
Higher cost sharing in public programs may reduce public spending. However, half of all publicly insured children in our analysis were poor, and even modest cost sharing can be burdensome for many poor families. Exempting poor children reduces budgetary savings unless much larger cost-sharing burdens are imposed on the remaining families. Optimal targeting of cost sharing is difficult, moreover, when family incomes fluctuate from month to month and when health needs, such as the presence of a an SHCN (Special Health Care Needs) child or a parent in poor health, vary so widely across families.
http://content.healthaffairs.org/cgi/content/abstract/hlthaff.28.4.w607v1
With the reform debate having been diverted to issues such as offering a public option, changing the tax status of employer-sponsored coverage, or mandating individuals to purchase insurance, little attention is being paid to some of the most fundamental flaws in our dysfunctional system of financing health care. One of the most important has been the ever-increasing incidence of underinsurance that has created financial hardship for individuals and families who do have health insurance coverage.
Underinsurance has long been a prime feature of the individual insurance market as insurers have continued to introduce innovations in an effort to keep their premiums competitive. These innovations inevitably shift more costs to individuals and families that actually have health care needs. In fact, one of the purposes of the proposed insurance exchanges would be to reduce underinsurance by offering individuals plans that are more comparable to the group plans of the employer-sponsored market. Is this an adequate response to this problem?
The Health Affairs article on underinsurance in the employer market answers that question. As the authors state, “In the United States, if you are sick and earn a modest income, then you are probably underinsured – even if you have employer-based health coverage.” The emphasis on slowing the cost of insurance (as opposed to the costs of health care) has extended from the individual market to the employer-sponsored market.
The perversity of this strategy is well exemplified by the expansion of cost-sharing policies in the programs designed to protect lower-income families – Medicaid and CHIP. As the authors of the Health Affairs article on cost sharing in these public programs state, “even modest cost sharing can be burdensome for many poor families.” To minimize the negative financial impact on families, it has been suggested that caps be placed on the total out-of-pocket spending for these families. The problem is that “systems to track family spending and to ensure free access once caps have been reached are generally not well developed.” Furthermore, “Optimal targeting of cost sharing is difficult, moreover, when family incomes fluctuate from month to month and when health needs… vary so widely across families.”
The latter is also true of employer-sponsored coverage. Now that underinsurance is a problem for the workforce, some system of capping out-of-pocket spending would be necessary. But because of ever-changing variables, an equitable and efficient system of caps would be almost impossible to design – not to mention the additional administrative efforts that would be required in our system already over-burdened with costly administrative excesses.
Is cost sharing really necessary? How much impact would it have on our total national health expenditures (NHE)? Keep in mind that 80 percent of health care is consumed by about 20 percent of the population. Most of that 80 percent of spending would fall into the category of catastrophic, and almost everyone agrees that catastrophic costs should be fully covered.
Cost sharing policies impact primarily the remaining 80 percent of us who have comparatively few health care needs. Even if cost sharing were fully effective in eliminating non-beneficial health care (it isn’t), how much would that save? Cost sharing might reduce spending by as much as 30 percent (a number in dispute), but at least half of that is for beneficial services. The 15 percent of marginal or non-beneficial services as a portion of the 20 percent of NHE spent on the 80 percent who are healthy would produce a savings of about 3 percent of our NHE.
Since cost sharing is a very imperfect policy, the net benefit would be no where near this ideal. Not only would cost sharing continue to pose barriers to beneficial health care services, it would continue to perpetuate the plague of underinsurance now permeating the employer-sponsored market. The net cost of eliminating cost sharing, thereby ensuring that everyone has the health care that they need without facing financial hardship, would be very small indeed.
But let’s not digress into policies that would impact our health and our finances. Let’s go back to the cat fight over a public option. The private insurance industry must be popping the champagne corks now that they have deceived us into thinking this non-issue is the reform debate that we must be engaged in. They won again, and this time they didn’t even need to bring out Harry and Louise.
